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Lists of Heads of Government and Heads of State

¿Sufragio Efectivo? ¡No, Reelección!

Presidents of the United Mexican States

1877 - 1880: Porfirio Díaz (Partido Liberal)
1880 - 1884: Manuel González (Partido Liberal)
1884 - 1910: Porfirio Díaz (Partido Nacional Porfirista / Partido Re-eleccionista)
1910 - 1912: Ramón Corral (Partido Nacional Porfirista)
1912 - 1913 (interim, disputed): Bernardo Reyes (Independiente)
1912(/1913, disputed) - 1928: Jose Yves Limantour (Partido Nacional)
1928 - 1934: Félix Díaz (Partido Nacional)
1934 - 1940: Luis Morones (Partido Nacional/Partido Nacional Institucional)
1940 - 1946: Nemesio García Naranjo (Partido Nacional Institucional)
1946 - 1952: Manuel Gómez Morín (Partido Nacional Institucional)
1952 - 1955: Rodolfo Sánchez Taboada (Partido Mexicano Institucional)†
1955 - 1958: Teodoro Amerlinck y Zirión (Partido Mexicano Institucional)
1958 - 1964: Venustiano Echeverría (Partido Nacional)
1964 - 0000: Fidel Velázquez (Partido Nacional [later Grupo Reelectionista])

Presidents recognised by the Provisional Government (Oaxaca)
(following the disputed election of 1970)


1970 (Jul - Nov): Carlos Alberto Madrazo (Partido Nacional Institucional - Grupo Reformista)†
1970 - 1971: Artemio Fuentes Macias (Grupo Reformista)‡
1971 (Aug, interim): Octavio Paz (Grupo Reformista)
1971 - 1973: Porfirio Muñoz Ledo (Frente Popular)
1973 - 0000: Benicio Martínez Verdugo (México Insumisa)

Died
Exiled
 
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Yet More Fashions Made Sacred Monarchs

Part 2: The Old Dominion

The Most Excellent and American Kings and Queens of Virginia, Their Majesties, by the Grace of God (House of Corotoman — 1838-present)
1838-1854: Robert I [1]
1854-1866: Robert II [2]
1866-1874: Andrew [3]
1874-1904: Thomas I [4]
1904-1920: Thomas II [5]
1920-1965: Phoebe I [6]
1965-1990: Robert III [7]
1991-0000: Phoebe II [8]
0000-0000:
Phoebe Alice Elizabeth Stephanie Roberta Carter, Her Royal Highness the Princess of Lancaster
0000-0000: Her Royal Highness, Princess Phoebe Elizabeth Margaret Christina Amelia Roberta Carter of Lancaster

Royal Consorts of the Kingdom of Virginia (by birthright style — 1838-present)
1838-1854: Miss Amelia Bolling Spencer
1854-1866: Lady Louise de Saint-Hilaire
1869-1870: Lady Mary Lee of the Eastern Shore
1874-1876: Lady Jane Robinson of Middlesex
1885-1904: Henrietta, Titular Princess of Maryland
1918-1920: Lady Sarah Haroldson-Smith of the Attican Valley
1920-1945: Prince Simeon of Roumania
1965-1990: Lady Elizabeth Woodruffe of Kentucky
1991-0000: Lord James Bolling of Appomattox
0000-0000:
Prince Henrik of Denmark

[1] When Robert I took the Virginian Crown after the collapse of the short-lived Commonwealth of Virginia, he took control of a realm in financial ruin, with much of the country not only in ruins, but suffering from the ongoing war which the Commonwealth's Council of State had triggered with their once-brothers in arms against English rule in Ohio and Pennsylvania. King Robert quickly brought his former allies to the diplomatic table, conceding the regions which the Council of State had claimed from Ohio and Pennsylvania, and set about putting the realm on solid foundations. He spent most of his reign rebuilding the nation from its war of independence, reestablishing its agricultural base.

[2] Robert II was already a man when his father took the throne, making him the heir-apparent to the new realm. He set the precedent for other members of the royal family to be as active in the state as monarch, taking his seat in the House of Lords. Though always a loyalist to his father's governments, he also took on his own initiatives, and publicly disagreed with his father on some matters. When he became king, he doubled down on the efforts he had made as Prince of Lancaster. Where his father had focused on Virginia's agricultural history, Robert II looked forward to a Virginia built as much upon industry, learning and yeomen as it was on tobacco, maize and planters. Robert encouraged the development of industry in the northern settlements on the Potomac and Rappahanock, still the industrial heartland of Virginia today, and he founded - upon the base of the proud College of William and Mary - the University of Williamsburg, founding Robert College, Corotoman College, St. Matthias' College and St. John Wesley's College, and encouraging the nobility to do the same. Robert II is today considered to be, for his efforts, the real founder of the Church of Virginia, the first fully-formed Wesleyan church not to be governed by the monarch of England and Ireland.

Robert II became a much more controversial monarch when, in 1860, he acceded to the terms of the Treaty of Cape Liberation, in which New Spain finally called in the promise made by the Commonwealth's Council of State in exchange for Bescós Veracruz' vital aid in their war for independence. The aristocracy, whose power was built upon their plantations, resisted the king's Emancipation Decree, which would require the beginning of a fifteen-year process of gradual emancipation beginning in 1870. When Robert II went to dissolve the General Assembly in 1866, to prevent the passage of a resolution revoking the Decree, he was murdered by a member of the House of Burgesses as he sat on his throne in the House of Lords' chamber.

[3] As Prince of Lancaster, Andrew had been a reluctant supporter of the Emancipation Decree. He was generally closer to the nobility than his father had been in his inclinations, but he, better than they, understood the consequences if Virginia failed to live up to its obligations under Cape Liberation -- being abandoned to their fate and surrendered back into the fold of the English Empire, which had already banned slavery. The murder of his father, however, changed his outlook considerably, and Andrew became a fierce convert to the cause of abolition, and bringing the nobility to heel, once and for all. Andrew seized the assassin's family's property, and attainted his brother's title, rendering forfeit his seat in the House of Lords. Not waiting the Decree, King Andrew freed their slaves; further, he established an expedited plan to emancipate all of the royal family's slaves by 1871, and pressured loyal nobles to do the same to prove their loyalty to the Crown.

Tensions rose higher and higher across the realm as the process of emancipation began to accelerate, and certain eastern and southern nobles began to gather together "militias"; Andrew's control of these regions of Virginia began to stretch thinner and thinner. In 1870, an assassination attempt was made on King Andrew, but only succeeded in murdering his pregnant queen, just shy of the first anniversary of their wedding. Andrew responded by attempting a violent crackdown on the militias, but they - with the support of Carolina - began an uprising to restore the Commonwealth, and abolish the monarchy, rather than abolish slavery.

Andrew led his armies onto the field of battle for the next four years, and died after his horse fell on him, after being struck by a cannonball at the Battle of Attican Valley.

[4] Thomas I took the throne after his brother's demise, but, where his brother had led Virginia's armies to war, Thomas, then the Duke of Port Amelia, had become his right-hand man, stewarding the country from Williamsburg in the king's stead. Thomas was a more able administrator, and a more politic man, than his brother was, but was no less out for vengeance from the nobles who had so turned on the royal family. Thomas' constitutional reforms may as well be called constitutional rewriting, for the powers which he seized for the Crown, and took away from the aristocracy -- by the end, the lords' only remaining effective, constitutional power was to sit in the House of Lords. Upon taking the Crown, King Thomas issued the Revised Emancipation Decree, immediately freeing the slaves of any man who had taken up arms against the Crown, unless they laid down arms and returned to their homes within thirty days, formalizing a haphazard policy which his brother had adopted. After two more long years of fighting, Thomas I - with the support of Pennsylvania, Ohio, Maryland and Virginia - brought the rebels and Carolina to heel, and his generals marched on Ameliasborough and Charleston. Thomas and the rest of the coalition forced Carolina to accede to the Treaty of Cape Liberation, bringing a close to the final chapter of slavery in the English-speaking world.

Thomas I spent the rest of his long reign bringing the kingdom back to order, and reconstructing his realm from the devastating six-year civil war.

[5] Thomas II took the throne at the age of sixteen, and was quickly brought under the influence of the nobility, jealous for power after a king who had kept them in line. Thomas II was largely a weak king, who allowed the more conservative elements of his country to take hold and reverse much of the progress his father had made. It was during his reign that the infamous Contracts of Labor were approved by the Crown, which many accused of bringing many rural Black Virginians back into bondage, if of an arguably lesser tyranny than the old chattel slavery. Thomas I spent much of his time on royal plantations, avoiding Williamsburg as much as he could, and he seemed to idealize the old Virginia of the colonial era and his great-grandfather, rather than living in the Virginia which existed in his own time.

[6] When her brother died, suddenly, in a boiler explosion on his way back from a state visit to New England, the nobility's greatest fear in the royal family - Phoebe I - came to the Virginian throne. Phoebe was one of the New Women, as they had been foreseen and named by the zenobian philosopher Ignacia Bescós Ybaigurén, who demanded a radical change to the makeup of human society, and, in her case, to Virginian society in particular. She represented a new generation of Virginian women, and not only spoke, but acted on their behalf, modifying the laws of succession and inheritance, property laws, voting laws, as well as lifting the long-since-ignored laws against contraception, to bring women onto a more equal footing with men. Her zenobian radicalism alienated much of the General Assembly, leading her to follow her grandfather's habit of trying to call it sparingly.

However, Phoebe I's radicalism ended with zenobianism -- indeed, she was, as her brother had been, an outspoken skin-tone phulonist, who did little for Black Virginians or, indeed, even for common Virginians who shared her racial background.

[7] Where Phoebe I was a New Woman, her son, Robert III, was a "new man", who not only accepted the great strides of progress for the opposite sex, but sought to entrench and expand them; he was far less apprehensive of the General Assembly than his mother and, proving an able negotiator, brought the finances of the kingdom into order in a way that hadn't been seen since the time of his two namesakes. Robert III brought Virginia into another war with Carolina, the backlash of which - including great resistance to conscription - led directly to the Universal Liberty Movement. With its roots buried deep in the radical element of the Church of Virginia - epitomized by Saint Stephen of Edo's ministry during the reign of Thomas I before his return to Niphon - the Universal Liberty Movement echoed in some ways both the Radical and Democratic movements of Europe and other parts of America, adapted to the unique circumstance of Virginia, a country where the nobility and the industrial elite were more united than in other parts of the world.

Decades of protests, worker secessions and labor occupations plunged Virginia into a long civil disorder, which King Robert found himself unable to stop; Robert III, so used to working with the Lords and the Burgesses, struggled when it came to those Virginians without a voice in the halls of the General Assembly. The king, after some time, ultimately sought to embrace the more Democratic elements of the Universal Liberty Movement, while spurning the radical, but he managed primarily to alienate the General Assembly by this measure. Ultimately, though the Movement - and not the king - brought the General Assembly to the table, and universal suffrage and official skin-tone equality were, at least, in law, adopted in 1983. Though he struggled with the new reality, by the end of his reign, Robert III was slowly beginning to come to terms with the new Virginia the ULM had wrought.

[8] Phoebe II, who had been hostile to the ULM for most of her time as Princess of Lancaster, was forced to come to terms with them upon taking the throne in 1991. Though their relationship has been rocky, she has successfully navigated the waters of Virginia's new world, even seeing her first government led by a Black Virginian take office in 2015. Much of the conviviality now enjoyed between the Universal Liberty Movement and more traditional ends of power has been the renewed rivalry with Carolina, brought into full effect by the Global War, which was devastating to southern Virginia, once again serving as the chief battleground of the English-speaking American states. Carolina's unrepentant phulonistic government, in which the common person has no say, is now the villain both to the Virginian royal and the Virginian commoner, both the Virginian aristocrat and the Virginian industrialist.

They dare not strike any new blow against Carolina, though. If the tripwire of French and Polish troops standing in between them is snapped ...

Well, maybe Virginia is far enough away to survive an originalistic war.

Maybe.
 
"Scott Is Lost!"

1845-1849: James K. Polk / George M. Dallas (Democratic)
1844: Henry Clay / Theodore Frelinghuysen (Whiggish)
1849-1851: Daniel Webster / Thomas B. King (Whiggish)
1848: Martin Van Buren / William R. King (Democratic), James K. Polk / scattered (Independent Democratic)
1851-1853: Thomas B. King / vacant (Whiggish)
1853-1857: William H. Seward / John J. Crittenden (Whiggish)

1852: James Buchanan / Henry Dodge (Democratic), Andrew J. Donaldson / Lewis D. Campbell (American “Know Nothing”)
1857-1861: Sam Houston / Lewis Cass (Washingtonian Coupon --- Independent)
1861-1863: Sam Houston / Andrew Johnson (Washingtonian Coupon --- Independent)

1856: Stephen A. Douglas / Linn Boyd (Official Democratic), Millard Filmore / William C. Rives (Official Whiggish)
1860: James A. Bayard / Horatio Seymour (Official Democratic), Edward Everett / John M. Botts (Official Whiggish), Robert F. Stockton / Cassius M. Clay (Free Soil)
1863-1865: Andrew Johnson / vacant (Washingtonian Independent)
1865-1869: John A. McClernand / John C. Breckinridge (Democratic)

1864: John P. Hale / William L. Dayton (Free Soil), Richard Taylor / Nathaniel P. Banks (American), Andrew Johnson / Jesse D. Bright (Independent / True Washintonian)
1869-1873: Salmon P. Chase / Roscoe Conkling (Free Soil)
1868: John C. Breckinridge / Fernando Wood (Constitutional “Atlanta” Democratic), Cornelius Vanderbuilt / Francis P. Blair, Jr. (“Havana or Hellfire” Independent / American / Washingtonian), George H. Pendleton / Henry S. Foote (National “New York” Democratic), James R. Doolittle / Alexander H. Stephens (Popular “Chicago” Democratic)

In April of 1847 the Mexican War was going well for the administration of James K. Polk, under the command of General Zachary Taylor the US forces which had begun the war in the disputed Texas borderlands had won dramatic victories at Monterrey and Buena Vista and what news was arriving from the distant campaigns in New Mexico and California showed the true prizes of the President's War of Choice were surely in hand. But there had been problems, the Mexican Government at the start of the war which refused to accept the annexation of Texas continued to refuse to see reason, and so the President had ordered the US government to aid Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna in his efforts to return to Mexico. Mexico's great on again, off again strongman though upon seizing power abandoned any pretense of seeking peace with the Yanquis and instead sought to secure his position with continuing the War of National Defense. And so it had been earlier in the year when President Polk and General-in-Chief of the Army Winfield Scott agreed on a daring plan to take fresh forces, the cream of the crop of Veterans under Taylor and the might of the US Shipping and Naval Fleets and land an army at the Port of Vera Cruz, bypassing a thousand miles of desert to push directly upon Mexico City itself and to end the war there.

The Siege of Vera Cruz and the battles there had gone well, and then Polk received word, the port taken, Scott had decided mostly due to the dangers of disease on the coast to abandon the city and move his entire force upon Mexico City, tossing the greatest Army the United States had yet created into a single, daring push. Reinforcement would have to fight their way in, supplies would be replaced with forage, and defeat could only end in death or dishonor: retreat would not be an option though already scoured lands.

Polk was appauled but his orders countering the move would only arrive too late. Another figure upon hearing the news declared that Scott and his entire command were doomed by it. And as this force pushed inland, Santa Anna would soon prove the Duke of Wellington right on that point. The Mexican Warlord chose a daring strategy of his own, abandoning all between Scott and the valley of Mexico in the highlands where the capital was located, leaving just enough supplies for Scott's column to continue the advance as it was strung out and weakened by hunger and the difficult terrain. And then, after months of waiting and husbanding his strength, he ordered his forces forward. Over the course of six weeks in August and September the American Army was picked off, bit by bit. Battle by battle brave men perished in massive numbers: Robert E. Lee, Thomas J. Jackson, John Quitman, George McClellan, Don Carlos Buell and thousands upon thousands of their men died for Scott's folly. Eventually word did make its way to US forces of the plight of Scott's Army and two daring missions were organized to try and charge their way up the old trails of Cortez, the cost being the death of the two relief commanders, Franklin Pierce and Jefferson Davis. Scott was no fool, and fought to secure defensible positions and to consolidate his forces, aiming for a strike to take the fortresses around Mexico and thus to dramatically overturn the crisis. But too many men were lost, too many capable young men were dead, wounded or captured, and Santa Anna had momentum. And then at Molino Del Rey it all came to an end. The American left flank broke and the whole line was wound up. In the bloodbath that followed, Scott was mortally wounded and captured, and General David E. Twiggs surrendered the surviving component of the main force the next day. But some units had scattered, a platoon here, a volunteer regiment there and in the classic Santa Anna form these men ere given no quarter. Surrender not being an option some dug in to die behind defensive works, others tried to push either North or back to the coast. Every Bar and Schoolhouse in America would come to know the result thanks to the painting "The Remains of the Army": Showing the scouts of the terrified Third Relief meeting Captain Ulysses S. Grant on foot, leading his broken down horse with a wounded Private atop it, grasping the horses mane, pale with shock. More then then the young Captain Grant and Private Hull made it back, but not too many.

The triumph in hand dragged the war on for another year. Taylor managed to best Santa Anna when the General came north, but was forced to withdraw back across the Rio Grande. A Mexican column sent to roll back American gains in California was blunted but retook San Diego, and the US forces in New Mexico were forced to withdraw a few months later. Victory had turned sour in Polk's mouth, but war opposition was on the rise and the states of Europe started to talk about forcing a negotiated settlement. Taylor would refuse to cross back over the Rio Grande without forces that Polk couldn't raise. But 1848 lead to some European distractions that allowed Polk to drag the war on. His victory not in hand he abandoned his plans for a single term only to find the Democrats were souring to him. And so too was the nation. In the Spring of 1849, with the drama in Europe at an end Daniel Webster requested the British Foreign Office supply the proposals for a peace to Mexico, and Santa Anna agreed to them, the ensuing Treaty of Kingston saw the US paying an indemnity to Mexico in exchange for a treaty that established the US-Mexican Border along the Nueces River in Texas, and along the 37th Parallel from the Indian Territory to the Pacific.

The war ended Webster would seek to settle the slavery question which proved easier then anyone imagined. Texas was already a slave state, what parts of California were now in the hands of the United States was made a free state and the old Missouri Compromise was, with little debate extended over the new Deseret and Jefferson Territories. The South, with defeat on their minds and hearts filled with grief for the majority southern volunteer army lost, developed new plans. Webster and after 1852, Seward could go on all they wanted with their highminded Yankee ideals, for the South now the goal had to be to find new lands for states. And while Mexico was for the time closed to them, other points of the Golden Circle beckoned. Seward complained and hawed all he wanted about it, and tried to enforce the neutrality acts where he could. But William Walker and his ilk marched, with grand funding goals and modern weapons and huge numbers of volunteers. The governments of Nicaragua, of Honduras, of the Domenican Republic fell. Wars were waged against Honduras, Columbia, and Venezuela. Wars almost begain with France, Spain and the United Kingdom. The South was on a mission and no one, hell or high water was going to stop them from at least trying. The North could be uncomfortable about it but many made money off of it anyway. And many dreamed of their own victories to be had and the flag expanding its domain more. And, unfortunately in defeat they were busy finding their own ways to shed blood. The San Patrico's a unit of Irish-Americans serving under the Mexican Army after deserting the US Army had played a minor if visible and important component of Scott's defeat and this act of treason was enough to convince man of the need to turn against other potentially disloyal Catholics in the United States.

In 1856 these two forces in American Politics: Nativism and Filibusterism, along with a mess of Young Americanism, Manifest Destiny, and Revenge found their voice in the form of Sam Houston and the Washingtonian Society. In giving him two term they would settle many questions in the United States, and amid the blood and horror of a war of conquest and the birthing of something more then halfway to the fabled Golden Circle they would awaken another one: The Slavery Question. And its answer was rapidly forthcoming.
 
c l e g g m a n i a. The Final version

2007-2010: Gordon Brown (Labour
2010-2015: Nick Clegg (Labour-Liberal Democrat Coalition)

David Cameron (Conservative) Gordon Brown (Labour) Nick Clegg (Liberal Democrat) Peter Robinson (DUP) Alex Salmond (SNP) Gerry Adams (Sinn Fein) Iuan Wynn Jones (Plaid Cymru) Margaret Ritchie (SDLP) Caroline Lucas (Green Party England & Wales) David Ford (Alliance) Sylvia Herman (Independent) John Bercow (Speaker)
STV Referendum: Yes 54% No 46%
Scottish Independence Referendum: Yes 45% No 55%
2015-2016: Theresa May (Conservative Minority with UKIP S&C)
Def: Nick Clegg (Liberal Democrat) David Miliband (Labour) Nigel Farage (UKIP) Alex Salmond (SNP) Caroline Lucas/ John McDonnell (Green-Left Alliance) Gerry Adams (Sinn Fein) Iuan Wynn Jones (Plaid Cymru) Margaret Ritchie (SDLP) David Ford (Alliance) Sylvia Herman (Independent) Sir Menzies Campbell (Speaker)
EU Referendum: Remain: 52% Leave 48%
2016-2016: Theresa May (Conservative Minority)
2016-20__: Yvette Cooper (Labour Minority with GLA, LD, SNP and PC S&C)

Theresa May (Conservative) Ed Davey (Liberal Democrat) Nicola Sturgeon (SNP) Nigel Farage (UKIP) Caroline Lucas/John McDonnell (Green-Left Alliance) Gerry Adams (Sinn Fein) Leanne Wood (Plaid Cymru) Margaret Ritchie (SDLP) Naomi Long (Alliance) Sylvia Herman (Independent) Sir Menzies Campbell (Speaker)

PoD is there is only one leader's debate and the election comes at the peak of Clegg's popularity. Due to the weirdness of FPTP Labour secure the most seats while getting the least number of votes of the big three with the opposite happening for the Liberal Democrats and the Conservatives in the middle.

After the backwards nature of the election Labour are more willing to budge on electoral reform than the Conservatives who are reluctant to even give away a referendum on County based Single Transferrable Vote and while the Tories found more economic ground with the Liberal Democrats Labour are more willing to compromise to Lib Dem policies.

After weeks of debate between the Lib Dems and the other two parties a plan is laid out. So Nick Clegg goes to the Parliament to form a Labour-Liberal Democrat government. Clegg insisted Brown resign as Labour leader and traded off the top job for allowing Labour to have more roles in the cabinet than the Liberal Democrats. The role of Deputy Prime Minister would go to the eventual winner of the Labour leadership election (as it happens, David Miliband).

The government survives despite a big despite over tutition fees in which the eventual compromise involving lower fees for STEM subjects is soundly rejected by the Lib Dem Voter base and they don't quite recover. The slow economic recovery is blamed on the coalition and the Tories lead in the polls keeps the coalition together for its full five years. the Conservatives fall a few seats short of a majority and agree to supply and confidence arrangements with UKIP and the DUP. Meanwhile a split between the centre-Left Labour and the Green-Left alliance leads to a respectable number of Lib Dem MPs being returned on second and third preferences.

A narrow victory for remain in the 2016 EU membership referendum leads to both parties withdrawing from the agreement and Yvette Cooper tabling a vote of no confidence not long afterwards. The vote passes with Lib Dem, SNP and GLA support (and abstention by UKIP) who hope they can replace the Tories as the force of the right.

in the Autumn 2016 election the GLA receive a big spike in support from Lib Dems over social policies, Labour as an additional and from some greens across centre and left. The eventual agreement was branded as a "Progressive Platform" by the prime Minister with a complicated series of Supply and confidence agreements on certain areas of Labours centre-left platform from the GLA, The Lib Dems and the Regional Parties. Somehow this has stayed together for three years. Polling for the next election is chaotic with the each member of the progressive platform blaming each other for the government's failures meanwhile The Conservatives are losing votes to UKIP over their hesitation over a "People's Vote" to rerun the EU membership referendum.
 
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New World Order

Presidents of the Republic of Indonesia

1945–1965: Sukarno (Non-partisan)
1965–1965: Ahmad Yani † (Military) [1]
1965–1965: Sarwo Edhie Wibowo (Military)
1965–1968: Suharto † (Military / Golkar) [2]
1968–1978: Sarwo Edhie Wibowo (Military / IPKI / Pekena)
1978–1989: Sarwo Edhie Wibowo † (Pekena) [3]
1978 presidential referendum: Elected
1984 presidential referendum: Elected

1989–1989: Hartono Rekso Dharsono (Pekena) [4]
1989–2000: Sumitro † (Non-partisan) [5]
1990 presidential referendum: Elected
1996 presidential referendum: Elected

2000–0000: Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (Milenium Baru) [6]
2000 presidential election def: Sidarto Danusubroto (Front Demokrasi Marhaenis)

[1] Officially Chairman of the National Defence Council and Acting Head of State, Yani found himself at odds with the majority of the junta he led. Officers loyal to the late General Nasution didn't trust him, and officers loyal to Suharto didn't respect him or his commitment to the Konfrontasi, preferring to shed Communist blood rather than Malayan blood. When Yani attempted to secure support outside the junta, Suharto and his allies ousted him and he was killed in unclear circumstances.

[2] While the officer corps were content with murdering leftists for a time, eventually they demanded real changes from the ancient regime. Suharto's two fatal mistakes were his failure to abolish political parties and his lack of attention towards the "radicals" in his regime. At a routine National Defence Council meeting in April 1968, Lieutenant Colonel Untung Syamsuri stood and accused Suharto and his aide Ali Murtopo of corruption and treason. The accusation was repeated by other officers, and all hell broke loose. While the intention had been to capture Suharto alive and bring him to trial, a stray bullet put an end to that.

[3] A protégé of Yani and an ally of Suharto, the Butcher of Bandung/Sorong stepped over their bodies to become Supreme Leader of Indonesia for the next twenty-one years, though his rule was marred by multiple insurgencies and bloody repression, culminating in genocide in West Papua. A pragmatist, Wibowo adopted bits from his predecessors' ideological projects. All political parties were banned, eventually replaced by the nonpartisan National Welfare and Development Union (Pekena). He also introduced the direct election of the president, eventually shuttering the Legislative Assembly altogether. In the foreign sphere, Wibowo tried to cultivate ASEAN as an anti-Chinese military bloc. Today his legacy can be seen in statues, plaques, and international airports in Jakarta, Bandung, and Purworejo.

[4] The intellectual architect of the Wibowo regime, Dharsono's time in office was brief and fractious, being removed after less than a month by a much more solid presence in Indonesian politics.

[5] A taciturn general who fell out of favor first with Suharto and then with Wibowo, Sumitro set about reducing the military's role in politics, presiding over a cabinet composed mostly of civilians for the first time in decades. Though he held onto power till his death, it would not be wrong to credit Sumitro with clearing a path for the nation's transition from military rule to flawed democracy.

[6] The year is 2002. SBY may be Wibowo's son-in-law and a military man, but he seems committed to the democratic experiment at the moment. With the Cold War drawing to some sort of conclusion and the Indonesian economy on the brink of collapse, the Republic faces interesting times ahead. Economic liberalization, normalization of relations with the PRC, the grim specter of the IMF knocking at the door, and so, so many riots; who knows what's next for Indonesia?
 
More Things Change, More They Stay The Same

1945-1956: Clement Attlee (Labour)
1945 (Majority) def. Winston Churchill (Conservative), Archibald Sinclair (Liberal), Ernest Brown (Liberal National), Harry Pollitt (Communist)
1950 (Majority) def. Harold Macmillan (Conservative), Clement Davies (Liberal), John Maclay (Liberal National), Rajani Palme Dutt (Communist), Richard Law (Democratic National)
1953 (Majority) def. Rab Butler (Conservative), Clement Davies (Liberal), Richard Law (Democratic National), Harry Pollitt (Communist), Michael Traynor (Sinn Fein)

1956-1958: Herbert Morrison (Labour majority)
1958-1964: Alec Douglas-Home (Conservative)
1958 (Coalition with Liberals) def. Herbert Morrison (Labour), Jo Grimond (Liberal), Peter Thorneycroft (Democratic National), Harry Pollitt (Communist), Michael Traynor (Sinn Fein)
1962 Workers self-management referendum, NO 55%, YES 45%
1963 (Majority) def. George Brown (Labour), Jeanne Hoban (Communist), Jo Grimond (Liberal), Peter Thorneycroft (Democratic National)
1964 EEC & EDC membership referendum, ENTER 52%, REMAIN 48%

1964-1967: Priscilla Buchan (Conservative)
1965 (Minority, with DNP confidence and supply) def. Fenner Brockway (Labour), Jeanne Hoban (Communist), Richard Wainwright (Liberal), Margaret Thatcher (Democratic National), Michael Traynor (Sinn Fein)
1967-1970: Randolph Churchill (Conservative minority, with Democratic National confidence and supply)

just a little update to a list i did before june 2017

So Brentry is going as well as expected, with the constitutional adjustments demanded by Massu and Franco going over about as well as cold soup amongst those who voted to Remain outside the EEC and EDC. Its brought down Buchan, reawoken reactionary forces within the Tories who want to roll over for the Elysee, and a rapid polarisation has been seen across the country. While Brockway won a record swing in 2017, the CPGB is polling well, as are the Liberals, as hardline opponents to Brentry. About the only saving grace is the Union Movement which got us into this mess has crashed into single figures - the local elections this year were marked by a spate of [checks notes] throwing cold Horlicks at Union Movement candidates. Even that silver lining has a cloud though, as Oswald Mosley has launched his Enter Europe Party which has rapidly displaced the Union Movement and at one point was polling first alongside the Liberals.

I have to say, we love to see it.
 
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Presidents of the Pacific Coast Republic

1861-1862: William M. Gwin

(with Tomás Avila Sanchez) elected unopposed
1862: disputed between Tomás Avila Sanchez and James D. Fay
1862-1863: Tomás Avila Sanchez †
1863-1864: vacant
1864: John Mason †

Governors of the Confederate State of Jackson

1862-1863: James D. Fay


Annotations forthcoming - or maybe I'll just write a short story
 
Presidents of the Pacific Coast Republic

1861-1862: William M. Gwin
(with Tomás Avila Sanchez) elected unopposed
1862: disputed between Tomás Avila Sanchez and James D. Fay
1862-1863: Tomás Avila Sanchez †
1863-1864: vacant
1864: John Mason †


Governors of the Confederate State of Jackson

1862-1863: James D. Fay

Annotations forthcoming - or maybe I'll just write a short story
*banging on desk* WE WANT JOHNSTON
 
An old one from The Other Place, motivated by a wee bit of discussion about the SPGB in the PMQs thread.

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PoD: Joseph Chamberlain, in a particularly peckish mood one morning in 1898, eats far faster than usual and accidentally chokes to death on his sixth piece of toast. Whilst foul play is quickly ruled out, a maid is overheard lamenting of how "He should have chosen the smaller loaf".


Prime Ministers of the United Kingdom

1895-1902: Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, 3rd Marquess of Salisbury (Conservative) [1]
1902-1910: Arthur Balfour (Conservative) [2]
1910-1912: Archibald Primrose, 5th Earl of Rosebery † (Liberal) [3]
1912-1916: Herbert Asquith (Liberal) [4]
1916-1923: Arthur Balfour (Conservative) [5]
1923-1934: Stanley Baldwin (Conservative) [6]
1934-1936: C.H. Douglas (Emergency) [7]


Chairpersons of the Trades Union Congress

1936-1945: Ernest John Bartlett Allen (De Leonist) [8]
1945-1959: Fred Kite (De Leonist) [9]
1959-1975: Geraldo Wilsolinni (Atomist) [10]
1975-1988: Stafford Beer (Cybersyn) [11]
1988-1999: Tim Berners Lee (Cybersyn) [12]


Head Cloud

1999-????: Antonia Blarissimo [13]


[1] The economy is decent and the post-Gladstonian Liberals are chasing their tails trying to find an issue, any issue, that might reunite the party. They're also broke and it is this above any factor that allows the Conservative Party to come out with only a slightly decreased majority. Despite some impressive campaigning, a Mr James Keir Hardie fails to return to parliament and his fellow Labour candidates don't do much better.

[2] Risen to highest office from Salisbury's poor health, Balfour has made some headway on pensions and housing but not nearly enough to earn the cynicism of many of the voting public. His greatest achievement by far is the Entente Cordiale with France which he hails as the answer to the threat of German military supremacy on the continent and chooses to fight the 1906 election on themes of British strength. Henry Campbell-Bannermann proposes a wide range of dynamic social reforms, as well as staunch opposition to the Taff-Vale rulings that had so engraged the slowly growing Trade Union movement. Though he gains the endorsement of the Labour Representation Committee, who choose to run no candidates on the promise of 'Labourism next time' the general public are wary of the ability of a party that contains so many bitter critics of their own leader to get anything done. The 'Dreadnought Election' is a thoroughly apathetic affair that sees Balfour returned with another reduced but still comfortable majority. The LRC have gambled and lost, badly, as A.S. Albery runs his own campaign and comes out of the apathy to scrape a narrow plurality in London's East End.

The Socialist Party of Great Britain is back, baby.

[3] After two defeats the Liberal Imperialists finally have Campbell-Bannermann were they want him but Herbert Asquiths decision to wield the dagger makes him poisonous enough that the crown must fall to a man that those of more socially minded or Home Rule focused principlies believe they can at least manipulate. Electability is the essense of Rosebury not in his non-existant vigour but in his ability to follow the public mood in literally any direction it might lead him. His absorption of the LRC into the Liberal Party is a good first step, despite it breaking the ogranisation in two and after 15 years of Conservative rule people realise it's time for a change, even if what's on offer is exceptionally bland.

A depressed man with much to be depressed about would be the concluding shrug of those few historians who seek to dwell on the short lived second tenure of the first British Prime Minister to commit suicide. Campbell-Bannermann remained a bitter critic from the Lords and was soon not alone as Rosebury attempted to please every section of the Liberal Party and failed every time. Of course some continue to argue conspiracy, that Asquith had pushed him out of his box and onto the flood of approaching race horses during the 1913 derby. It was certainly Asquith who did well out of the subsequent shock to gain an endorsement of his own appeal of a return to 'normalcy' on divisive issues.

[4] Asquith united the party to some extent, and his successful expansion of pensions was agreeable to essentially everyone whilst he could at least rely on the Conservatives not to encourage increasingly radical cries for movement on Irish Home Rule and a workable solution to the legal quagmire of Taff Vale. Despite the increasing virulence of a 5-seat strong Socialist Party now emboldened by their monopoly on trade unionism he holds things together fairly competently, even as the 1914 recession begins to erode confidence in his economic polcies until France and Russia decide that Germany and Austria don't look so powerful anymore. His endorsement of a war to end Teutonic barbarism splits the Liberal Party down the middle and his defeat in the House over the issue is the final straw.

[5] Whilst the Socialists do remarkably well against a heavily split Liberal party, toppling both 'German' and 'French' incumbents. The real victory, however, belongs to a Conservative Party that has little to offer but peace, and strength. Britain is non-belligerent but Balfour is happy to keep France afloat if holds it back complete German supremacy over Euroep and despite German protest the military junta in de facto control of the country isn't particularly keen on risking a direct British intervention that could potentially break the stalemate on the Rhine and the San in favour of the Franco-Russians. The collapse of Austria-Hungary in 1922 alongside a wave of soldiers mutinies and strikes in France radically re-defines the war into a vast battle for Poland as millions of Germans and Russians are moved east and north in a titantic clash that threatens to redefine the future of Europe, and the world.

The result is inconclusive, and neither side is particularly willing to see who shall be able to recover first from the costliest battle in human history. Balfour hosts the Germans and the Franco-Russians at Chequers and subsequently resigns as the Great Peacemaker despite leaving no-one happy, except an incredibly opportunistic Italy and their newly acquired sphere of influence.

[6] In the wake of the war Britain is the most powerful nation in Europe, but as France and Russia find themselves unable to pay many debts and relations with Germany their coldest in decades, they are not immune to the general depression that hits the continent in the following years. Baldwin wins big on delivering universal suffrage but a wave of coordinated Irish Citizen Army offensives is an increasingly bloody debacle. Nonetheless he benefits from the divisions in his opposition as the Liberal Party declines in the face of the Socialists from the left and the Practicalists from the, er, forest. One preaches Union control, the other Consumer Supremacy through the National Dividend, and both are louder and more eloquent than the mild mannered Keynes or MacDonald. Even the 1933 General Strike seems unable to move him as the nation otherwise grinds to a halt but no-one is indestructible as the ICA proves for much of Westminster and indeed the King himself on the 8th of May, 1934. Only the leaders of the Practicalists and the Socialists survive, having been far further away from the blast than the Cabinets of the Prime Minister and Leader of the Opposition and only one of those is seen as particularly palatable for the surviving members of the Conservative Party.

[7] The Douglas regime is particularly brutal in its intentions of purging those elements of society they blame for the Parliamentary massacre, which includes virtually anyone of a leftist persuasion or those who happen to point out that the introduction of prosperity certificates is not only badly handled but seems to have the deliberate intention of driving Britain into economic ruin. After legislation banning the Socialist Party of Great Britain and the Liberal Party ensures a supermajority for the Practicalist-Conservative coalition, General Attlee realises he has had enough and orders the troops onto the streets as the forces of the establishment begin to come undone. The Unions have been preparing for such a confrontation as well and singing the songs of Peterloo, they begin their march across the country.





[8] Without much formality the Trade Union Congress finds itself being thrust into power in the middle of the third round of the Franco-Prussian war as both sides attempt to benefit most from the collapse of the British empire. General Attlee isn't a fan of Impossibilism, but he hates the idea of Juntas even more and if the Unions agree to widen their reach to include the electorate in exchange for keeping iron and coal in production then he's willing to permit their absorption of the British state into the syndicalist framework. Chairperson Allen turns out be rather effective in quashing sectarianism in the name of national unity (though he has to give Bose and Connolly a written guarantee of independence for their respective countries in the wake of Franco-Russian defeat) whilst also keeping his hands out of military business. As German Atomic Bombs incinerate Paris and Moscow a final settlement is reached where sections of non-working Britons are admitted into the TUC as 'Societal Factions' though some continue to argue that Attlee's military has afar too much sway and that without the Military vote there is no way that a reformist such as Kite could possibly be elected Chairperson.

[9] Far more comfortable with the outside world, Kite works relentlessly to promote skilled immigration with the promise of Union membership for all whilst closening ties to the Bose regime as a means of circumventing an increasingly dominant and coercive relationship with the new European Zollverein. Praised for reducing military influence before being condemned for overly favouring the older heavy industries he leaves the TUC both wealthier and divided at the same time.

[10] Some mutter darkly about a Gramscismo spy being the head of the workers Congress, before being silenced by those more enlightened types who reject the notion that simply because a member is Italian that they are inevitably a spy, especially one who fled as Neo-Gramscianism rose to power in the Union of Militant Socialist Councils formerly known as Italy. Wilsolinni is focused on power, unlimited power, that might result from an expansion of the Indian-TUC Nuclear Program. By the time he has resigned the island still lacks the meterless electricity that he promised to provide but his charismatic ways of delivering technocratic solutions to post-capitalist problems have earned him more than a few followers. Stafford Beer has been following the advances in German nuclear power and American cybernetics very closely, and now he has a plan

[11] The early days of 'Project Cybersyn' are remarkably clunky and indeed horrendously unpopular as rolling blackouts result from the attempt to focus the national gird on not yet properly refined supercomputers. The elderly complain that the butchers union charged them three years labour for sausages and the butchers union complain that their local machines can't get over the fact that there aren't enough pigs in Yorkshire as they might like. Slowly it gets better but it is only out of the 1984 NUM strike over fault management processers that the solution comes, as one man gets the computers to talk to each other as a means of ensuring proper energy distribution.

[12] Berners Lee is by far the least 'Executive' Chairperson yet as processing power and productivity synchronise in their advancement with each other and people begin to realise how much governance they really need when the economy is controlled by compulsory Cybersyn surveys and orders.

[13] Is it the state withering away? Is it the beginning of a totalitarian dictatorship from the Cybersyn cloud? Is it the TUC sacrificing itself in the name the silver tongued herecy of social democracy? As the Workers and Citizens Legislative Enabling (Full Communsim) Act is passed the TUC cedes its existence to the individual Unions corresponding with the Cybersyn web and the crack team of bureaucrats who oversee it. In an attempt to relax fears of 'Rule By Machines' it is given the Computer Generated Face of the head bureaucrat, the one who will answer any enquiry with a smile, the one always ready to remind that, from now on, "Things Will Only Get Better".
 
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