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Lists of Heads of Government and Heads of State


Just wait until I actually get my shit together
The Place Beyond The Pines

The Fall of House Freeland

Rulers of the Duchy of Portlandia
2661-2680: Kaitlin Freeland

2680: Haida Conquest sees First Sack of Portland
2680-2691: Hluuwee Tlgunghung
2691: The Great Gaian Groundswell sees Second Sack of Portland
2691-2716: Penny Freeland
2716-2724: Melanie Freeland

2724: Novorusskiy Invasion sees Third and Final Sack of Portland, Namestnik Oleksandr Menshikov abandons the city in favor of Seattle


Well-known member
A man's thoughts and dreams

1905-1917: Theodore Roosevelt (Progressive)
1904 (with Joseph Carey) def. Mark Hanna (Republican), Alton B. Parker (Democratic)
1908 (with Hiram Johnson) def. William H. Taft (Republican), William J. Bryan (Democratic)
1912 (with Hiram Johnson) def. Philander C. Knox (Republican), Champ Clark (Democratic)

1917-1921: William J. Bryan (Democratic / 'Peace' Progressive / Socialist - Peace Coupon)
1916 (with Hiram Johnson) def. Theodore Roosevelt ('War' Progressive), Charles E. Hughes (Republican)
1921-1929: Franklin Roosevelt (Democratic)
1920 (with Champ Clark) def. Theodore Roosevelt (Republican), William J. Bryan (Progressive / Popular Democratic / Socialist - Peace Coupon)
1924 (with A. Mitchell Palmer) def. William C. Sproul (Republican), Robert LaFollete (Farmer-Labor / Socialist / Regional Labor Parties - United Front), William J. Bryan (Christian Labor)

1929-1933: Andrew Mellon (Republican)
1928 (with Frank Lowden) def. Al Smith (Democratic), Norman Thomas (Socialist / Farmer-Labor / Regional Labor Parties - United Front)
1933-1945: H.P. Lovecraft (Socialist / Farmer-Labor / EPIC - United Front)
1932 (with Upton Sinclair) def. Newton D. Baker (Democratic), Andrew Mellon (Republican), A. Philip Randolph ('Civil Rights' Socialist)

“I never ask a man what his business is, for it never interests me. What I ask him about are his thoughts and dreams."
- President Howard P. Lovecraft
Mark Hanna lives and successfully primaries Roosevelt in 1904, only for the Bull Moose to split and form his own party eight years early and win the Presidential election. Untethered by tradition, he wins two more and takes the US into WW1 in 1915, only to lose in 1916 as the pro-war parties (Republican and 'War' Progressive) fail to reach an accord like the anti-war ones. Bryan, however, faces an internal coup by his own Secretary of the Navy despite his efforts to bring the war to an end (which he does in 1919), beginning eight years of conservative Democratic rule. Meanwhile, participation in the Peace Coupon allows the Socialists a national platform, and they are helped by their long-term alliance with Hiram Johnson's refusal to fold back into the GOP with the rest of the Progressives, and by the Bryanite Popular Democrats' refusal to support Roosevelt. With a United Front of leftist parties eventually rising to a clear third place in 1928 (despite the setback of Bryan's quixotic attempt to forge a distributist socially conservative party in the Western states at the end of his life), the Democrats lose enough urban voters in 1928 to let in a hardline Republican government. That same year, the Progressives and Popular Democrats from a new Farmer-Labor party, though this is soon dwarfed by the growing urban socialists after they absorb the CPUSA. as the Socialists grow in prominence, the journalist and horror writer Howard Lovecraft becomes increasingly prominent in the party, urged on by his ambitious wife. Lovecraft wins a seat in the 1930 house elections, and when the 1932 convention comes round, though inexperienced, Lovecraft is recognised as an enthusiastic activist with, unusually for the Socialists, a rural background, and wins the Popular Front nomination as a compromise between Thomas and LaFollete. Mellon is saddled with recovering the economy after an alternate crash, but his laissez-faire approach leads to a further collapse. When the 1932 election comes round, the economic chaos has discredited both parties, and despite a split in the Socialists over Lovecraft's somewhat outdated racial views, the United Front wins out. The new age of a democratic socialist America is dawning, but it remains to be seen if all shall share in its benefits.

(I've done President Lovecraft before, but seeing @bionic_man do a list on it, and having read recently about Lovecraft's eventual conversion to socialism, I decided to have another stab at it)
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essential employee
unfinished basement
This got waaaay out of hand

Mayors of Vanport, Oregon

1941-1952: Unincorporated, administered by the Housing Authority of Portland
1952-1969: DeNorval Unthank
1969-1973: DeNorval Unthank, Jr.

1973-1981: Kent Ford
1972 def. DeNorval Unthank, Jr.
1976 def. Charles Jordan

1981-0000: Ron Herndon
1980 def. Kent Ford, Dick Bogle
1984 def. Dick Bogle

Mayors of Portland, Oregon

1957-1972: Terry Schrunk
1972-1973: Frank Ivancie (acting)
1973-1977: Frank Ivancie
1972 def. Tom Walsh
1973 Recall Ballot: NO 51%, YES 49%
1974 Strong-Mayor System Ballot Measure: NO 53%, YES 47%

1977-1985: Mildred Schwab
1976 def. Frank Ivancie
1980 primary election def. Neil Goldschmidt, Frank Ivancie, Tom Metzger
1980 runoff election def. Neil Goldschmidt (withdrew)

1985-0000: Walt Curtis
1984 primary election def. Tom Metzger, Gretchen Kafoury, Jewel Lansing, Earl Blumenauer, John Piacentini
1984 runoff election def. Tom Metzger

(Both offices nonpartisan)

Vanport was built on a swamp. The settlement, created by the Kaiser Corporation and the Housing Authority of Portland (HAP) to house wartime shipyard workers, was only ever intended to be temporary. The apartment blocks were poorly constructed, and their location, on the strip of land between the Columbia River and the marshy Slough, was prone to flooding. Even the name, simply designating its location between Portland and Vancouver, Washington, was half-assed.

The community that grew up in Vanport, however, would be no mere wartime expedient. During World War II the Kaiser apartment blocks were home to 40,000 people, about 40 percent of them African-American – making it Oregon's second-largest city and the largest public housing project in the nation. The growth of Vanport represented a huge shift for a state which had once forbidden black settlement by law. Oregon’s black population rose from less than 2,000 to about 22,000 over the course of five years, almost all concentrated in Vanport and in the North and Northeast quadrants of Portland.

After the war, white workers began to leave Vanport, and the community was soon majority African-American. It was still operated by HAP, who introduced some amenities (such as the Vanport Extension Center, later Vanport College) but whose complete control began to generate resentment. In 1948, a major flood inundated the area north of the Slough and damaged many of the wartime apartments, leaving families homeless and bereft of possessions. HAP, which had condescendingly urged people to stay put (“You will have time to leave. Don't get excited.”) took the blame.

It was the beginning of a movement. For the next four years, Vanport residents agitated for home rule and incorporation: “This is our home, we are here to stay.” Meanwhile, the community began to take on the characteristics of a permanent city. Ruined Kaiser apartments were replaced with single-family homes and small brick apartment blocks, businesses sprung up, and before long there was a commercial district on the rise along N Victory Ave. Simultaneously, redlining and vigilante violence began to push Portland’s older black communities out of their homes and towards Vanport. Physician DeNorval Unthank, head of the local NAACP and unquestioned leader of Oregon’s small black middle class, moved to one of the newly built houses in Vanport after his home in the Westmoreland neighborhood was vandalized.

Incorporation was finally won in 1952, over the protests of HAP, which still owned the vast majority of land in the city limits. Unthank was elected mayor (frustrating some longtime Vanport residents, who considered the incorporation movement a working-class struggle) and the two cities settled into a quiet, uneasy working relationship. In some ways, these were the golden years. Veterans attending Vanport College settled in the city, giving rise to a vibrant and racially diverse community unique in de facto segregated Oregon. By the late 1950s, Vanport had become a hub for African-American culture on the West Coast and was home to several important jazz clubs. The city’s reputation for music and political radicalism contributed to the Portland area’s status as western capital of the Beat movement.

The general trajectory, however, was downwards. During most of this time, Portland was run by Terry Schrunk, a machine Democrat heavily entangled with Teamsters corruption and, by extension, with the Mafia. Schrunk was an enthusiast for construction megaprojects, and through either malice or simple carelessness did much to destroy the remaining black neighborhoods outside Vanport. In the early sixties, Interstate 5 cut the heart out of historic Albina. By the end of the decade, almost the entirety of the state’s black population was concentrated in the thousand acres beyond the Slough. The city was overcrowded and approaching slum conditions, especially in the few extant Kaiser apartments. When riots broke out in 1968, as they did in African-American communities across the North, the attitude of Portland politicians began to turn from indifference to hostility.

HAP was still the biggest landlord in Vanport, despite gradual privatizations. Conservatives such as newly elected Commissioner Frank Ivancie asked why Portlanders’ tax dollars were subsidizing “Leech City,” and suggested that if Mayor Unthank didn’t rein in crime and radicalism HAP should sell its Vanport land to the highest private bidder. As Terry Schrunk’s health deteriorated, Ivancie became the loudest voice on the council; when Schrunk died in 1972 Ivancie bullied his way into the acting mayoralty.

Radicalization was well underway across the Slough, too. Vanport College had become known nationally as a center for black consciousness and militant politics; administrators clashed repeatedly with student strikers and a quickly growing chapter of the Black Panther Party. Younger residents of Vanport, especially those who had arrived as university students, felt no personal connection to the bourgeois perpetual mayor – and even less for his son, who succeeded him in 1968. The mood was explosive. Two May mayoral elections in 1972 would set it off.

Frank Ivancie was an icon of white backlash. The son of Slovenian immigrants and father of ten children, he had been Schrunk’s top aide before his ascension to the council and exemplified cigar-chomping machine politics. When he wasn’t using his position as Parks Commissioner to order police beatings of black demonstrators and hippies, he was clashing with Oregon’s liberal Republican governor, Tom McCall, who he considered soft on crime and an environmental elitist. Commissioner Tom Walsh, his opponent, owned a contracting firm and was a representative of the rising liberal middle class, who had been energized by McCall’s reforms. Walsh was an advocate for public transit and an opponent of the planned Mount Hood Freeway, which would cut a swath through residential neighborhoods of Southeast Portland.

Ivancie used the bully pulpit of the acting mayoralty to full effect. He called Walsh “King of the Hippies” and suggested that he had a vested financial interest in a light rail system, given that his business was well-equipped to build it. He showered the city’s employee unions in sweetheart pension deals that approached bribery. And he leaned on the Vanport issue, promising to make his HAP threat law. In the end, he triumphed.

The other mayoral election had been Ivancie’s greatest gift. DeNorval Unthank, Jr., was an architect by training and had only reluctantly taken over the city of Vanport; he had cracked down on rioters, too, wary of destroying the city’s small independent economic base. (Most Vanport residents worked in Portland.) Kent Ford, the leader of the local Black Panthers, had decided to challenge him. It made headlines across the country. Despite his assertion that he was acting independently of national Black Panther leadership – and his habit of keeping his gun concealed, rather than prominently brandished like other party members – Ford became white America’s boogeyman overnight. J. Edgar Hoover dispatched the FBI, who are still suspected to be behind much of the violence that marred the election. Rejecting decades of discrimination and humiliation, Vanport elected Ford, his margin driven by restive students and by ex-Portlanders driven from their homes.

It was a smoldering summer. Ford would not be sworn in until January, but Ivancie was already in office and took action immediately. Appointing himself both Housing and Police Commissioner – legal under the city’s unique commission system – he ordered HAP to begin seeking bidders for Vanport’s housing. Meanwhile, Ford began drafting a plan to purchase the land for the city.

Ivancie backed out of a deal with the Governor to decommission Harbor Drive on the Westside waterfront, and began to seize and demolish buildings on the Eastside in preparation for the Mount Hood Freeway. Demonstrations, and even sabotage to construction vehicles, only hardened his resolve. The city was in the grip of radicals and subversives, he claimed. When the City of Vanport presented Ivancie with an offer for HAP’s buildings the following spring, the mayor rejected it out of hand: too low. He refused further negotiations, claiming that he had no faith in Ford’s ability to deliver. That’s when things began to get really ugly.

A vacant HAP property – one of the most flood-ravaged standing Kaiser buildings, slated for demolition and replacement – burned to the ground. Portland leaders accused the Panthers of arson. Vanport Police chief Dick Bogle, a Ford opponent, hinted that he believed the same, and was promptly fired. Racially motivated violence, which had been on a long upward trend, spiked even higher, as did intracommunity violence in Vanport itself. In June, Ivancie identified a private equity group as potential purchasers for the HAP property. The entire city was about to be sold out from under its residents. So the Panthers occupied the freeway.

I-5 ran through the middle of Vanport, and its noise and pollution had long been a symbol of Portland’s disdain for its sister city. The Panthers, accompanied by a crowd of hundreds, built roadblocks in the middle of the night. Their message: the commercial artery of the West Coast remains blocked until you reopen negotiations.

Vanport Police were ordered to protect the demonstrators. State highway troopers, backed up by the Portland Police, were told to disperse them. When it became clear that they were there for the long haul, Governor McCall ordered the troopers to wait and rushed north from Salem for an emergency conference with the two mayors. He was joined by Washington’s governor, Dan Evans. Both men begged Ford to call off the occupation and Ivancie to agree to talks. Neither would budge.

This was a matter of interstate commerce, and once the freeway had been blocked for three days, President Nixon intervened. McCall refused Nixon’s request to federalize the Oregon National Guard, but the Democratic majority in the state legislature happily complied, and the Guard marched on the bridge. The barricades were set alight and some gunfire was exchanged, but everyone dispersed at the sight of tanks. That night, both cities were wracked by rioting, and outright combat between Vanport and Portland police took place in some neighborhoods of Northeast. By the time the National Guard fanned out from the interstate and restored order in the streets, twenty-six people were dead and fires were blazing.

White supremacists from across the country – most prominently Tom Metzger, a television repairman and KKK leader from California – hailed Frank Ivancie as a hero. In the tense months after the Battle of the Interstate, Metzger and some of his followers actually moved to Portland to “provide security” for white neighborhoods. Fascinated by the conflict and aware of the region’s demographics, Metzger quickly became a proponent of an independent white state in the Pacific Northwest – with the “dispersal” of Vanport the first step on the way.

Portland City Council quickly vetoed Ivancie’s proposed sale, frightened by the potential for further violence, and liberals began to circulate a recall petition. They triggered a recall, but the mayor pushed through by a hair, and used his newly consolidated power to call for a reorganization of the city code. Portland’s commission system, he argued, tied his hands. “Leech City” would go on leeching with the help of the liberals on the council unless voters adopted a strong-mayor system. As the fires died down, however, Portlanders remembered their longtime suspicion of strong mayors. The measure failed.

In the end, it was his treatment of whites in Southeast that put paid to Frank Ivancie’s reign, not his confrontation with Vanport. The rampant use of eminent domain and demolition in the Mount Hood Freeway corridor was generating blight and scaring away property owners and investors. A leftover from the Robert Moses era of city planning, it had never been popular, and it had now degenerated into a simple vendetta on Ivancie’s part. Mildred Schwab, the sharp-witted, chainsmoking fiscal conservative who had long been in the mayor’s bloc on the council, turned against the dictator, and in 1976 she won an easy majority.

The next eight years were haunted by unfinished projects and unfinished business. By the time Kent Ford’s second term in office began, the crisis was over. Vanport was burnt and broke, and the Panthers’ militancy and machismo were out of fashion. A new generation, led by Ron Herndon, a practical radical who had cut his teeth in politics working on behalf of the few black children left in the Portland school system, eventually pushed them aside.

Portland was a mess, too. The Westside was cut off from the river by an abandoned strip of asphalt, and Southeast was scarred by a long stretch of rubble that had once been thriving neighborhoods. Massive white flight to the suburbs had devastated the city’s tax base, and while the liberals who remained had plenty of ideas for rehabilitating the city with light-rail networks and verdant parks, there was little money to do so. Their champion, longtime Commissioner Neil Goldschmidt, looked likely to win the mayoralty in 1980 – until he was revealed, in the runup to the runoff, to be in an exploitative sexual relationship with a teenage girl. The entire election was a disgrace. Tom Metzger won an uncomfortable number of votes, too: in some neighborhoods, particularly those in North and Northeast Portland near the Slough, whites still loathed “Leech City.”

In 1982, Herndon and Schwab negotiated a sale of HAP’s remaining property north of the Slough to the City of Vanport, for a price closer to Ford’s than Ivancie’s. Metzger led a picket of City Hall; several hundred people joined him, despite the rain.

When Schwab decided to step down in 1984, there was a clamor of candidates eager to drag the city into the future. Squabbling liberal commissioners Earl Blumenauer and Gretchen Kafoury both ran, as did county auditor Jewel Lansing. John Piacentini, owner of the Plaid Pantry convenience store chain and a former champion of Tom McCall’s Bottle Bill, entered the race awash in cash promising to put Portland back to work. Tom Metzger ran again, to widespread disgust if not surprise, as did a host of other non-politicians and vanity candidates, most prominently Walt Curtis. Curtis was a countercultural poet, the last of the Beats, and moved in the underground gay and artistic circles that had gathered in the ruined Freeway District. His campaign was half a joke – he promised cleaner heroin – but in his more serious moments, he stood for the spirit of ’72 and against its betrayal by race-baiting and violence.

Years of disappointment and destruction, culminating in a campaign overshadowed by Neil Goldschmidt’s lengthy trial for statutory rape, finally came due in May 1984. The mainstream candidates split the vote. Walt Curtis topped the poll, and by a margin of less than a hundred votes, Metzger edged Kafoury out of the runoff.

There was shock, there was horror, but there was little self-reflection. Curtis won the runoff in a landslide (despite Metzger’s attempts to paint him as “another pedophile”), and in his free-verse inaugural address urged his constituents not to applaud themselves but instead to examine the hatred that seethed in their neighborhoods. Despite this exhortation, the general mood was one of relief, and Portlanders exhibited not a little smug pride that they had elected the nation’s first gay major-city mayor. Ron Herndon was unimpressed: 20% of Portlanders had backed a white separatist. It was a poor way to begin the reconciliation.

The radicals had come out on top, in the end. Sons of the Sixties ruled on both sides of the Slough. But had they won anything more than bitter ashes?
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Alex Richards

Lifetime cathedrals built: 8
Patreon supporter
Published by SLP
Portland Burning

Kingdom of Great Britain

Lord Warden of the Cinq Ports:

Frederick, Lord North (1778-1792)
William Cavendish-Bentinck, 3rd Duke of Portland (1792-1796)

Cantiacian Republic

Post abolished (1796-1797)

English Republic

Keeper of the Coast:

Thomas Paine (1797-1802)
Vacant (1802-1803)
William Godwin (1803-1807)

Kingdom of Anglia

Lewis I (House of Bonaparte) (1807-1811)

1st French Empire

Napoleon Bonaparte (1811-1813)

Kingdom of Great Britain (Restored)

George IV (House of Windsor) (1813-1817)
Horatio Nelson, 1st Duke of Toulon (1817-1844)


essential employee
unfinished basement

I refuse to accept that name.

Great list.
Hey, Unthank is a British placename originally, y'all can

It is a great American name, though (and specifically black American, what with the French-influened forename).

And thanks, I know this one's a little niche but hopefully people find it interesting. IOTL (as I've mentioned on here before I think) Vanport was completely destroyed by the 1948 flood and its residents moved into Portland proper. I thought it would be interesting, not just in a local but an American context, to have a legally independent African-American polity at this time in history.
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Uhura's Mazda

Derby Lightweight
Published by SLP
Tamaki Makaurau
Hey, Unthank is a British placename originally, y'all can

It is a great American name, though (and specifically black American, what with the French-influened forename).

And thanks, I know this one's a little niche but hopefully people find it interesting. IOTL (as I've mentioned on here before I think) Vanport was completely destroyed by the 1948 flood and its residents moved into Portland proper. I thought it would be interesting, not just in a local but an American context, to have a legally independent African-American polity at this time in history.
The Unthank sisters are quite major in the contemporary folk scene at the minute. As such, they are of course extremely white.
2017-2024 - Donald Trump (R-NY) / Mike Pence (R-IN)
2016 - def. Hillary Clinton (D-NY) / Tim Kaine (D-VA)

2020 - def. Joe Biden (D-DE) / Kamala Harris (D-CA), Bernie Sanders (Progressive-VT) / Tulsi Gabbard (P-HI)
2024 - Mike Pence (R-IN) / Vacant
2024-2029 -
Mike Pence (R-IN) / Marco Rubio (R-FL)

2024 - def. Lin-Manuel Miranda (D-NY) / various (D and P) [Unity ticket of Democratic, Progressive]
2029-____ - George Kendricks (Christian-Republican-WY) / Paul Haverford (CR-MO)
2028 - def. Marco Rubio (R-FL) / Lamar Harris (R-LA), Mark Zuckerberg (Technocrat-CA) / Andrew Yang (T-NY), Elaine Stafford (Green-WA) / Jillian Cho (G-NJ), Rudolf Hayes (Fascist-OR) / Lee Everett (F-KS), Beto O'Rourke (D-TX) / Alyssa Korrapatti (D-GA)

Joe Biden narrowly wins the 2020 Democratic party. Amidst rumors that this was a "rigged" primary, Bernie Sanders and many progressive Democrats decide to walk out of the convention, and recreate the Progressive Party. Although the party machinery of the Democrats manages to narrowly defeat the Progressives, who've had little time to organize, the split vote leads to a second Trump term, and a rift in the Democratic party.

For the next four years, things are somewhat "normal", except for a recession that hits shortly after the election, but it is smaller than expected and the nation manages to recover by 2022. Pence, the Trump-endorsed candidate, becomes the narrow front-runner, while various candidates jockey for the Democratic and Progressive nomination. However, in April 2024, while President Trump is at a campaign rally for Pence, he is killed by a far-left activist. Mike Pence becomes President, and when all other Republican candidates drop out of the race shortly after, the presumptive nominee. A "stop-Pence" movement quickly appears within both the Democrats and the Progressives, and a coalition candidate is found - Lin-Manuel Miranda, who had succeeded Chuck Schumer in 2022 as a left-leaning Democrat. Miranda would turn 35 on January 16, 2025, and youth is seen as a good thing in this election.

The election of 2024 is exceedingly close, but Mike Pence narrowly wins the Electoral College. Many accuse it of being a "rigged" election, and historians still debate who actually won the election. Anti-Pence sentiment explodes in liberal states, and California becomes the first state to secceed, declaring independence effective January 1, 2025. Several more states follow, and by Pence's inaguration the "Democratic States of America" have formed. During his inaguration speech, Pence officially declares war on the Democratic States of America.

Both sides have disadvantages - although officially certain states of succeeded, DSA-sympthizers and USA-sympathizers establish pockets across the nation. In addition, the majority of the armed forces have remained loyal to the USA, and far-right paramilitary groups declare their alleigance to the USA. However, DSA forces surround the USA capitol of Washington DC, which Pence refuses to evacuate. Congress, however, decides to evacuate to Dallas for the duration of the war, and Vice President Rubio follows them.

The first months of the war are largely just clashes between DSA and USA forces, with borders becoming more concrete, and both sides attempting to minimize destruction as much as possible and being hindered by winter weather. Finally, near the end of March, DSA forces on the East Coast (Pennsylvania) and Midwest (Michigan) try to link up by marching through the USA-occupied Ohio. However, in the Battle of Cleveland on April 2-3, 2025, DSA forces are shattered, and forced to retreat.

DSA forces next try to stage an attack on Washington D.C in late April and early May, which US forces manage to repulse. With two victories under their belt, the US military goes ahead with two operations - Operation Ford, aimed at retaking Michigan and Wisconsin, and Operation Liberty, aimed at retaking all of the East Coast. Despite heavy resistance, the operations succeed within a year. The only holdout is New York City, which finally surrenders in August 2026.

Meanwhile, however, DSA forces have managed to make advances on the Western front, taking parts of Idaho, Nevada, and Arizona. They are defeated at the Battle of Las Vegas in October 2025, for the most part blunting their advance, but they continue to hold their ground.

After the success of Operations Ford and Liberty, the US military turns to the DSA forces in the West Coast, beginning their invasion in June 2025. In the north, they are more successful, pushing into more sympathetic territory in Oregon and Washington. One battle that is concerning to the outside world but forshadowing to historians was the Battle of Portland in October, in which USA troops worked with openly Fascist paramilitaries to take the city, with US Army commanders only barely able to restrain the Fascists from committing genocide. Seattle would prove to be the hardest city to take, only falling in early November 2026.

In the south, however, things are different. California was the heartland of the rebellion, and it proves to be hard to take. Faced with determined, seasoned veterans from both the west and the east, along with sweltering weather and inhospitable conditions, they begin to be thwarted by DSA troops. More than one veteran from the Wars on Terror would compare the fighting to that in Iraq and Afghanistan. As the weather cools in August, US troops, joined by troops that had served in the Northwestern campaign, finally push DSA forces back. The DSA line collapses.

In an act of desperation, DSA forces purposefully set raging wildfires in California. These tactics lose the DSA any sympathy from the outside world, as even liberal nations that had quietly sympathized with the DSA begin to denounce them. The act causes untold destruction across California. To help reconcile themselves with the population, President Pence tasks the US army with putting out the wildfires. This help soften the blow, and re-endear Californians to the USA. On January 3, 2027 - two years and two days after California secceeded - it officially surrenders to US forces. becomes known as Victory Day throughout the US.

The war was over, and unlike the First Civil War, Pence was not in the mood for pardoning many troops and leaders of the rebellion. However, many of them manage to flee to Canada before they can face justice, and Canada refuses to repatriate them, causing a significant amount of friction between Canada and the US.

Throughout the war, it becomes clear that President Pence is an ineffective commander during war-time, and more and more affairs begin to be run by the military. By the end of the Second American Civil War, Pence has become a figure-head, with General George Kendricks becoming the power behind the throne. The "Kendricks Plan" is implemented to employ veterans of the Second Civil War to help in the reconstruction of war-damaged areas, and proves to be very effective and popular.

In 2028, Pence is pressured to leave the presidency, and does so. Although Vice President Rubio manages to gain the Republican nomination over Kendricks, Kendricks forms a new Christian Republican party, which easily sweeps to victory over other newly formed parties.

To help consolidate support in the nation, Kendricks demands that Canada return the DSA expirates to America for them to be tried. Canada, which has been lead by a NDP Prime Minister since the election of 2024, refuses. In response, Kendricks invades Canada in March, and by the end of May Canada has been completely pacified. In an unprecedented move the United States annexed Canada, meeting sanctions from many other nations.

America is now in a precarious situation - recovering from a civil war, digesting new land, and facing opposition from the international community. It is unknown if Kendricks will attempt to seize even more power for himself, or continue to maintain American democracy, or how he will react in the face of global opposition.


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Prime Ministers of the United Kingdom

2019-2019: Boris Johnson (Conservative minority)
Oct 2019: Parliament suspended, formation of 'Church House' Parliament
2019-2020: Boris Johnson (Direct Executive Government - 'No Deal' Conservatives / Brexit / 'No Deal' Labour / UKIP)
2020-2020: Dominic Raab (Direct Executive Government - 'No Deal' Conservatives / Brexit / UKIP)
2020-2021: Nigel Farage, 1st Baron Farnborough (Direct Executive Government - 'No Deal' Conservatives / Brexit / UKIP)
2021-2021: Dominic Cummings (Direct Executive Government - Brexit / No Deal Independents / UKIP)

First Minster, Church House Parliament

2019-2020: Ken Clarke (Independent Conservative leading First National Government)
2019 formed of Labour, Independent Conservatives, SNP, Liberal Democrats, Plaid Cymru, Change UK, The Independents} and Greens
2020-2020: Rory Stewart (Independent Conservative leading First National Government)
2020 Stewart appointed caretaker PM
2020-2021: Hilary Benn (Labour leading Second National Government)
2020 formed of Labour, Independent Conservatives, SNP, Liberal Democrats, Plaid Cymru, Change UK, The Independents} and Greens
2021-2021: Hilary Benn (Labour leading Third National Government)
2020 formed of Labour, National Liberals, Liberal Democrats, Plaid Cymru, Change UK, The Independents} and Greens

Commander in Chief of the Free British Forces

2019-2020: Dan Jarvis (Regular Military)
2020-2020: Nick Boles (Free Citizen Militias)
2020-2021: Nick Boles (New Republic Army)

President of the Executive Council of the British Republic

2021-2022: Hilary Benn (Nonpartisan)
2021 (Constitutional Convention with National Liberals, Labour, Euro '21: The Liberals and Change UK) def. Dominic Raab (Conservative and Brexiteer)
2022-2037: Gen. Nick Boles (National Liberal)
2022 (National Government with Euro '22 and Change UK) def. Hilary Benn (Progressive), Ash Sarkar (Labour), Jacob Rees-Mogg (Conservative and Brexiteer)

"The Second British Civil War began with Johnson's second prorogation of parliament in October 2019 and an attempt to arrest the PM which was foiled by rogue pro-Brexit elements in the police force and a growing pro-No Deal paramilitary movement. With the PM suspending parliament to break the law, with the assent of the crown, the country errupted first into rioting and then into violence. The cabinet continued to claim authority through legally dubious 'Executive Government' and MPs formed their own alternative 'Church House Parliament' as authority broke down, and soon pro-Brexit militias aligned with the Conservative and Brexit parties and UKIP would be merged with 'Pro-Government' army and police elements into a new National Patriotic Army and pro-Remain groups would form a loose alliance of 'Free British Forces' under the command of a Commander in Chief appointed by the Church House Parliament. It was these forces which gave rise to Nick Boles, who first served as Commander in Chief as the nominal head of an alliance of centre-right militias, before becoming more active as the first leader of the New Republic Army. Boles' position was further strengthened with the 2021 secession of Scotland as many became disillusioned with the ineffectual Church House Parliament and began to see the NRA as the true authority in Remain controlled territories, a position supported by the formation of the National Liberals by Rory Stewart as an informal 'General's Party'. Though regarded as a hero by many for his capture of Baron Farnborough (which caused the final collapse of all but the most hardcore elements of the Executive Government), Boles has also received international condemnation for his pseudo-authoritarian posturing, and for his prolonged war on the countryside. After the collapse of Dominic Cummings' frantic dictatorship and a brief constitutional convention General Boles would be elected as the British Republic's new head of state, beginning his long and controversial reign..."


assigned sideways at birth
Published by SLP
Teignmouth, Devon
July 2019-October 2019: Boris Johnson (Conservative)

The third and least lamented Brexit era Prime Minister, Boris (as he is most often remembered in history) refused to ask for the fourth Article 50 extension, causing a legal crisis and his resignation.

October 2019-January 2020: James Cleverly (Conservative)

James Cleverly had the shortest time in office all Brexit era Prime Ministers - enough time to negotiate the fourth Article 50 extension - to 31 January 2020, and the fifth - to 31 August 2021. He is mostly remembered as the lamentable joiner between the Year of the Three Prime Ministers and the Year of the Five Prime Ministers.

January-March 2020: Dominic Raab (Conservative)

The second of five 2020 Prime Ministers, Raab was elected by his party to bring about Brexit immediately with no deal. A decision which he could not carry out without a snap election.

March 2020: Jeremy Corbyn (Labour) [281] Dominic Raab (Conservative) [268] Nicola Sturgeon (SNP) [49] Jo Swinson (Liberal Democrat) [19] Rory Stewart (Moderate Centre) [11] Arlene Foster (DUP) [8] Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Fein) [7] Adam Price (Plaid Cymru) [3] Naomi Long (Alliance) [2] Sian Berry and Jon Bartley (Green Party England & Wales) [1] Sylvia Herman (Independent) [1]

March 2020-July 2020: Jeremy Corbyn (Labour) coalition with Nicola Sturgeon (SNP), Jo Swinson (Liberal Democrat), Rory Stewart (Moderate Centre)

A No Deal Brexit was meant to be the Conservative Party's ultimate vote-winner, and in fact most polls up to election day showed that Raab had a healthy margin for victory. On the night, however, the votes weren't there. The Liberal Democrats and their "Moderate Centre" allies eventually agreed to prop up a government of the SNP and Labour, provided that it focused entirely on negotiating a soft brexit deal and putting it to the public.

July 2020-November 2020: Yvette Cooper (Labour) coalition with Nicola Sturgeon (SNP), Jo Swinson (Liberal Democrat), Rory Stewart (Moderate Centre)

While Corbyn remained leader of the Labour Party, he was unpopular with the other parties in his coalition and further, proved unable to negotiate a deal that satisfied his remainer allies. This lead to a vote of no confidence passing in his leadership in June, but not the end of the Remain coalition. Yvette Cooper was seen as a reasonable compromise for a new round of negotiations, although her leadership was never accepted by the Labour Party itself and she was unable to achieve anything beyond negotiating a deal that would mean free trade and freedom of movement with the EU.

October 2020 EU Referendum: Remain: 55.2% Deal: 44.8%

Yvette Cooper's deal was too weak for Leaver's to get behind, and was supported mostly by people who actually wanted to remain in the EU. The result was a decisive victory for remain in the third European referendum, but no great unifying moment for the country.

October 2020-October 2031: Jacob Rees-Mogg (Conservative)

October 2020: Jacob Rees-Mogg (Conservative) [352] Jeremy Corbyn (Labour) [244] Jo Swinson (Liberal Democrat) [13] Nicola Sturgeon (SNP) [12] Arlene Foster (DUP) [7] Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Fein) [7] Rory Stewart (Moderate Centre) [5] Adam Price (Plaid Cymru) [4] Naomi Long (Alliance) [3] Yvette Cooper (Reform) [2] Sian Berry and Jon Bartley (Green Party England & Wales) [1] Sylvia Herman (Independent) [1]
The final Prime Minister in the year of the five Prime Ministers would go on to restore a measure of stability to the UK. In September 2021, contrary to the result of the last referendum, he left the EU without a deal in a flurry of riots, border issues, and medical shortages. This action secured his reputation as the most hated Prime Minister among remainers. Protests of various shades would define his time as Prime Minister and the practice of pushing these further and further from parliament lead to increased violence, which spilled over into open rioting in 2024, including an attempt on the Prime Minister's life. Following this, greater security was introduced around parliament and the palace. Further riots in 2025 lead to these areas being cordoned off forming a restricted zone that would in time become known as "The Citadel".
October 2025: Jacob Rees-Mogg (Conservative) [295] Rory Stewart (European Democratic Party) [148] Laura Pidcock (Labour) [143] Mhairi Black (SNP) [44] Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Fein) [10] Nuala McAllister (Alliance) [9] Adam Price (Plaid Cymru) [3] Emma Little Pengelly (DUP) [2]
Labour, formerly the second party of the UK, never quite got over most of the parliamentary party "betraying" Jeremy Corbyn. The 2025 party was a much purged and extreme organisation which also pursued a neutral policy on Europe - an issue that was coming to hold a symbolic value to much of the country. The new EDP was formed out of the Liberals, Reform, and the Moderate Centre. While it would take a long time for them to make progress in Labour heartlands the new party emerged as the party of opposition. However, only the Conservatives were in anything like a position to form government and they lacked the allies to actually do so. Jacob Rees-Mogg continued as Prime Minister without a functional parliament.
November 2025: Jacob Rees-Mogg (Conservative) [305] Rory Stewart (European Democratic Party) [174] Laura Pidcock (Labour) [88] Mhairi Black (SNP) [56] Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Fein) [12] Nuala McAllister (Alliance) [4] Steven Morrissey (For Britain) [3] Adam Price (Plaid Cymru) [3] Emma Little Pengelly (DUP) [5]
Once again, no majority existed in the country, but with Christmas coming and all the parties having depleted resources the next election was held off for as long as possible. While Jacob Rees-Mogg couldn't do a great deal in this time, it would provide a prototype for the process of ruling the UK without parliamentary consent which would become important in the late Brexit era.
May 2026: Jacob Rees-Mogg (Conservative) [327] Rory Stewart (European Democratic Party) [177] Laura Pidcock (Labour) [62] Mhairi Black (SNP) [59] Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Fein) [12] Nuala McAllister (Alliance) [7] Steven Morrissey (For Britain) [1] Adam Price (Plaid Cymru) [3]

After three attempts, Rees-Mogg finally emerged with a majority, however slight. However, the country was divided. There were now clear majorities for independence in Northern Ireland and Scotland and London was a firm EDP stronghold. While Rees-Mogg continued to rule with the consent of parliament, far more decisions were being made by statutory instrument and ministerial fiat. Even so, the ardently conservative Prime Minister kept away from social matters, where his majority was weakest, and focused on reorganising healthcare, lowering taxes, and reducing regulations.

A new National Police Force was organised and given direct control over security at the Citadel, and enhanced security and surveillance powers were introduced to deal with ongoing, now somewhat traditional, political violence. Clashes between violent forces connected to UKIP and to the antifa movement were standard, eco-terrorism was increasing, and even the Rejoin movement had a growing number of violent people in what was thought of as the Blue Bloc.

2031-3036: Thomas Berns (European Democratic Party) coalition with Alan Osmond (Labour)
May 2031: Thomas Berns (European Democratic Party) [321] Jacob Rees-Mogg (Conservative [184] Alan Osmond (Labour) [59] Mhairi Black (Scottish) [59] Siobhan O'Donnavan (Irish) [19] Mia Lloyd (Plaid Cymru) [6]

Thomas Berns would be the last British Prime Minister to serve only after winning a general election. He would try to bring some normality back to British politics and pushed for the great unfinished projects of British social reform - LGBTQ+ inclusive education, gender self-ID, polyamorous marriage, and repeal of the porn laws. However, he also had to deal with Scottish and Northern Irish nationalism. August 2032 saw a border poll in Northern Ireland and a decision to reunite Ireland. The deadline for this was set for 2035 and before this could even go through, the Scottish parliament declared independence without a referendum. British military assets were activated, along with the national constabulary, and the Scottish Parliament was suspended.

Following this, Europe made it clear that they would not tolerate similar delays or prevarications in Northern Ireland, even going so far as to station military troops in the Republic of Ireland.
May 2036: Thomas Berns (European Democratic Party) [278] Alison Keys-Clarke (Unionist & Conservative Party) [268] Alan Osmond (Labour) [19] Mhairi Black (Scottish) [24] Mia Lloyd (Plaid Cymru) [11]
Once again, an election passed without a clear majority but this time, it was not even clear who had the upper hand - the EDP had more seats, but the newly restructured UCP had more votes. The Scottish and Welsh Parties refused to work with either group and that left both without a majority. A second UDI crisis sparked off in Scotland in June and by July a new election date had still not been set, a queen's speech and a formal opening of parliament was not forthcoming, but the UK government seemed to be negotiating Scottish independence for its own party political ends.

Summer was mostly spent on legal disputes over whether any of this could be done, leading to UCP backed officers from the National Police Force to attempt to arrest Thomas Berns in 2036. The National Police Force hit a roadblock when the London Police Department wouldn't allow Berns to be held in their cells, and he gave an order to remove the NPF from the Citadel. They refused to leave.
2039-2042: Alison Keyes-Clarke (Unionist & Conservative Party) OR Thomas Berns (European Democratic Party)

A few days after the beginning of a police standoff in the Citadel a special meeting of 286 MPs passed a vote of no confidence in Thomas Berns, and shortly after the leader of the UCP established a permanent new parliament in Colchester, which claimed sole legitimacy. While the monarchy called for calm, the NPF was now in open conflict with city police forces across the UK. When Thomas Berns banned the new Colchester Parliament outright and sent the LPD into Essex to make the arrest, the army became involved.

The army held the line, but their attempt to invade London caused open civil war - London civilians fighting the army and eventually London military assets defending the city against the British army. London would hold out for the full three years of the war, but in the rest of the country much of the professional army sided with the UCP.

March 2042-May 2042: Alison Keyes-Clarke (Unionist & Conservative Party)
Finally ensconced in The Citadel, Keyes-Clarke wasted no time in calling an election to secure her legitimacy as Prime Minister. This was, in some ways, a strange move. Historians have spent a large amount of time trying to understand why she did this. Pro-Brexit historians usually assume that she was a true democrat who wanted to restore parliament, while Remainers feel she likely thought that enough EDP and Nationalist politicians were in prison that the election would be a cake-walk. One factor that both agree on is that Alison had been living mostly in UCP strongholds and had unrealistic notions about how British people had experienced the past two years.

2042-2086: Devon Laing (European Democratic Party)
2042: Devon Laing (European Democratic Party) [316] Alison Keys-Clarke (Unionist & Conservative Party) [232] Alan Osmond (Labour) [52]
Devon Laing was born in 2016, a month after the second European Referendum, and distinguished themself during the civil war as part of the armed forces. They had no political experience and likely wouldn't have become an MP, much less a party leader, without the chaos of the past three years. Following their surprise election, only the direct intervention of Alison Keyes-Clarke prevented their arrest and allowed the EDP to form a government. Devon ignored Alison's request for a coalition government, but didn't authorise her arrest. He did learn from her mistakes, however. In their time in office Devon would take direct control of the National Police Force and the Army, purge and restructure both, and substantially increase defences around The Citadel.

In 2047, Devon called for a year's delay to the election to allow time for reconstruction, this was delayed again in 2048. In 2050 the election was delayed again, this time by five years. After that people allowed the issue of a general election to be dropped. Even the term "Prime Minister" would fall out of favour - it was clear that Devon's power came from the police, not from Parliament. The 2050s was a chaotic time for the whole world, with the EU replaced by a quasi-fascistic Alliance of European Nations and the USA falling prey to political dynasties. Starvation, disease and climate chaos were rife and by the time the British people looked up and realised they were living in a dictatorship, the system was well established. The era of parliamentary constitutional monarchy was over.

Charles EP M.

Well-known member
Published by SLP
July 2019-September 2019: Boris Johnson (Conservative)

Backed into a corner, his party and Cabinet starting to fray, and severely depressed that the job isn't how he dreamed, Johnson resigned shortly after the forced return of parliament.

September 2019-October 2019: Dominic Raab (Conservative)

Raab slipped into the role of PM because, as First Secretary, technically he had seniority and nobody had the time to challenge it yet. Clearly prefering a no-deal Brexit but not quite admitting to it in front of his party, Raab announced plans for an October election and that "whoever is the next government" could decide what to do with the extension; the opposition voted to run.

While no formal agreement was made with the Brexit Party, Farage dropped a few hundred seat bids ("never had people for them," came the dark whispers) and focused on Labour-held areas. Similarly, dark deals were made in various seats between Labour, SNP, and Lib Dem, an agreement that some would be 'off limits'.

October 2019-February 2020: Jeremy Corbyn (Labour)

Under FPTP, the Brexit Party had gained some seats in northern Labour heartlands (some of them horrifying losses for Labour) but not as much as they, and Raab, had hoped - not enough to make up for the pro-Remain and centre-right voters abandoning the Conservatives for the Liberal Democrats, or for the loss of Scotland, or for the handful of seats retained by 'Independent Conservatives' who agreed to Swinson's 'soft whip', or for Labour claiming some of the swing seats.

But Labour lacked a majority and could not rely on the Liberal Democrats for supply-and-control (Swinson's base would not permit), and could not agree a formal deal with the SNP for fear of spooking England. A shaky minority government would have to woo each of these parties for votes and that was not possible for a deal - and frankly, Labour couldn't get a deal in time from their standing start. The dusted-off Theresa May deal was put forward and passed with Conservative support, to disgust and dismay all round.

Historians have said that if Farage and the Brexit Party had campaigned for Leave again instead of calling for a boycott of the "sham", Leave would have won. Instead, Remain would by 60%. A few riots duly broke out.

With this done, with Brexit finally over, Corbyn wanted to focus more on anything else but trapped in minority, his support lost for bringing in May's old bill with Tory support, and the economy strained, he was vulnerable to a Labour coup.

February 2020 - 2024: Hilary Benn (Labour)

A Remainer hero and able to claim he'd brought down Boris, Benn was someone the Lib Dems could supply-and-control with. In an announced spirit of unity, Benn kept a good chunk of Corbyn's Cabinet and policies (and waited to take on the Corbynites within the party's machinery). Simply by being the Prime Minister doing something not Brexit gave him a boost with the public, so did the economy improving, and so did the basic promise of stability and things being fixed and the idea that at least all the arguments had gone. The end of austerity, the delayed LGBT+ reforms, and Labour's planned housing reforms could all finally start.

The fact the Conservative Party was a shattered mess involved in a civil war helped a lot.

The honeymoon period ended in May with the local elections - many English councils and eight mayors, including London, all up for election, and many of them Labour-held. Many remained Labour held. A number of Tory ones flipped to the Liberal Democrats. The Mayor of London flipped Lib Dem, an embarrassing loss but fine -- but the Brexit Party had done better an expected in their first elections too, and another wave of local and independent councillors had done even better, in line with 2019. It was clear that there were a lot of unhappy people across the country and they didn't entirely trust the big parties to fix things.

Both Labour and the Liberal Democrats focused a lot on social services and 'local reforms for local people' to head off the independent surge, at the cost of focusing on national infrastructure or the devolved parliaments. In 2022, Sturgeon startled Westminster with another referendum, this one demanding the promised and never-delivered "DevoMax" - and won. Questions were asked in North England why the Northern Powerhouse infrastructure and investment was still lacking.

A relatively bright spot remained climate change: the COP26 climate summit in 2020 went well from an optics POV, the government committed to a 2045 target (by means to be determined later), and there were commitments for British support to helping poorer developing nations de-carbon. While the government did not go as far as it needed on nationwide climate plans, the number of local efforts across England and Wales exploded (Scotland ran its own plan).

The dark spot remained the Brexit Party, which was good at getting its message out but starting to struggle at getting seats as Benn's term went on - and those it had, it was narking off a lot of the locals by not being very competent. Unable to pull off being a proper political party, it doubled down on attacking the system, the establishment, the vote-riggers, the people coming over here, the Them; someone should do something. Complaints about the Northern Powerhouse, complains about trans rights, even now complaints that climate change wasn't being stopped yet THOSE people are coming here and taking limited resources, all grist for the mill. All helped by the Conservatives being too damaged to lay claim to the right wing.

In the 2024 election - national, Scotland, and London - it's clear the arguments have not all gone - the BP, the growing power of Scotland, climate change, North-South divides, and the ever-marching nature of society and who makes it up. Nothing gets solved.

Savid Javid hopes to bring the Conservatives back to a position of being able to do something; Benn hopes the pledge of Northern Powerhouse finally happening and a focus on national work will gain Labour a majority at last; Swinson hopes Londoners will re-elect her party and that Holyrood, with all its Devo Max power, will fall to the Liberal Democrats; Sturgeon hopes the SNP's time of dominance isn't over; Farage hopes everyone will listen and the hungry wolves in his 'shadow cabinet' hope he'll lose his damn seat so one of them can rule.

In the Beano, Minnie the Minx is running agaisnt Corky the Cat (Make Dandy Weekly Again Party) for Beanotown & Dandytown MP. That one, we know Minnie's going to win.