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Lists of Heads of Government and Heads of State

Something I threw together over a few hours. I hope you enjoy reading it, and I'll try to answer any comments/questions/concerns you have.

The Kingfish in the High Castle

1933-1937 - John Nance Garner (D-TX) / Vacant*
1932 - def. Herbert Hoover (R-CA) / Charles Curtis (R-KS)
1937-1949 - Huey Long (National Populist-LA) / Charles Lindbergh (NP-NJ)
1936 - def. Alf Landon (R-KS) / William Borah (R-ID), John Nance Garner (D-TX) / Cordell Hull (D-TN)
1940 - def. Cordell Hull (D-TN) / William Bankhead (D-AL), Arthur Vandenburg (R-MI) / Charles L. McNary (R-OR)
1944 - def. John W. Bricker (R-OH) / Harold Stassen (R-MN), Henry Wallace (D-IA) / Harry S. Truman (D-MO)

1949-1953 - Huey Long (NP-LA) / Douglas MacArthur (NP-NY)
1948 - def. Thomas Dewey (R-NY) / Earl Warren (R-CA), Alben Barkley (D-KY) / William Douglas (D-MN), Strom Thurmond (Dixiecrat-South Carolina) / Fielding Wright (DX-MS)
1953-1964 - Douglas MacArthur (NP-NY) / Richard Nixon (NP-CA)
1952 - def. Adlai Stevenson (D-IL) / Hubert Humphrey (D-MN), Robert Taft (R-OH) / William Knowland (R-CA), Strom Thurmond (DX-SC) / John Sparkman (DX-AL)
1956 - def. Adlai Stevenson (D-IL) / Estes Kefauver (D-TN), William Knowland (R-CA) / Christian Herter (R-MA), Strom Thurmond (DX-SC) / Harry F. Byrd (DX-VA)
1960 - def. John F. Kennedy (D-MA) / Stuart Symington (D-MO), Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. (R-MA) / Nelson Rockefeller (R-NY), Strom Thurmond (DX-SC) / Harry F. Byrd (DX-VA)

1964 - Richard Nixon (NP-CA) / Vacant
1964-1969 - Richard Nixon (NP-CA) / Billy Graham (NP-NC)

1964 - def. Barry Goldwater (R-AZ) / William Miller (R-NY), Hubert Humphrey (D-MN) / Sam Yorty (D-CA), George Wallace (DX-AL) / Strom Thurmond (DX-SC)
1969-1973 - Robert Kennedy (D-NY) / Eugene McCarthy (D-MN)
1968 - def. Richard Nixon (NP-CA) / Billy Graham (NP-NC), Nelson Rockefeller (R-NY) / George Romney (R-MI), George Wallace (DX-AL) / Curtis LeMay (DX-CA)
1973-1977 - Robert Kennedy (D-NY) / George McGovern (D-SD)
1972 - def. Richard Nixon (NP-CA) / Spiro Agnew (NP-MD), George Romney (R-MI) / Howard Baker (R-TN), George Wallace (DX-AL) / John Schmitz (DX-CA)
1977-1981 - Billy Graham (NP-NC) / Ronald Reagan (Conservative-CA)
1976 - def. George McGovern (D-SD) / Sargent Shriver (D-MD), Bob Dole (R-KS) / Gerald Ford (R-MI)
1980 - def. George H.W. Bush (R-TX) / John Anderson (R-IL), Ted Kennedy (D-MA) / Jerry Brown (D-CA)

1981 - Ronald Reagan (C-CA) / Vacant
1981-1989 - Ronald Reagan (C-CA) / George H.W. Bush (R-TX)

1984 - def. John Glenn (D-OH) / Gary Hart (D-CO), various (NP)
1989-1993 - George H.W. Bush (R/C-TX) / Howard Baker (R/C-TN)
1988 - def. Jesse Jackson (D-IL) / Joe Biden (D-DE), various (NP)
1993-2001 - Ross Perot (NP-TX) / James Stockdale (NP-CA)
1992 - def. George H.W. Bush (R-TX) / Howard Baker (R-TN), Pat Buchanan (C-VA) / Newt Gingrich (C-GA), Bill Clinton (D-AR) / Paul Tsongas (D-MA)
1996 - def. Mario Cuomo (D-NY) / Al Gore (D-TN), Pat Buchanan (C-VA) / Newt Gingrich (C-GA), Bob Dole (R-KS) / Jack Kemp (R-NY)

2001-2009 - Ross Perot (NP-TX) / John McCain (NP-AZ)
2000 - def. Alan Keyes (R-MD) / John Kasich (R-OH), Al Gore (D-TN) / Joseph Liebermann (D-CN), George W. Bush (C-TX) / Dick Cheney (C-WY)
2004 - def. Elizabeth Dole (R-KS) / Steve Forbes (R-NJ), John Kerry (D-MA) / Howard Dean (D-VT), Dick Cheney (C-WY) / Donald Rumsfeld (C-IL)

2009-2017 - John McCain (NP-AZ) / Charles Baldwin (NP-FL)
2008 - def. Ralph Nader (Reform-CN) / Mike Gravel (RF-AK), Barack Obama (D-IL) / Bill Richardson (D-NM), Mitt Romney (R-MA) / Ron Paul (R-TX), Donald Rumsfeld (C-IL) / Rudy Giuliani (C-NY)
2012 - def. Ralph Nader (RF-CN) / Bernie Sanders (RF-VT), Paul Ryan (R-WI) / Herman Cain (R-GA), Rudy Giuliani (C-NY) / Jim Gilmore (C-VA), Hillary Clinton (D-NY) / Tom Vilsack (D-IA)

2017- - Donald Trump (RF-NY) / Bernie Sanders (RF-VT)
2016 - def. Charles Baldwin (NP-FL) / Ben Carson (NP-MI), Jeb Bush (R-FL) / Rand Paul (R-KY)

* - Although Franklin Delano Roosevelt was elected president in the 1932 election, his assassination on February 15, 1933 prevented his ascension to the primary. Garner, the Vice-President elect, would be the one to become president on March 4.
Washing Machine Heart

Offices held by Marshal Yan Xishan

1909–1911: New Army, Division Commander
1911–1913: Tongmenghui, Military Governor of Shanxi Province
1913–1916: Progressive, Military Governor of Shanxi Province
1916–1931: Independent, Military Governor of Shanxi Province
1931–1936: Kuomintang, Chairman of the Government of Shanxi Province
1932–1934: Kuomintang, Commissioner for Pacification of the Northwest
1933–1934: Kuomintang, Minister of War of the Republic of China
1934–1936: Kuomintang, Vice-Premier of the Republic of China
1936: Kuomintang, candidate for the Presidency of the Republic of China
1936: Tan Yankai (KMT – United Front), Chen Mingshu (NPP – United Front), Yan Xishan (KMT)
1936–1939: Independent, Chairman of the Government of Shanxi Province
1936–1945: Chairman of the Patriotic Self-Sacrifice League
1939–1939: Independent, Chairman of the Government of National Defence of the Republic of China
1939–1960: Save China Union, President of the Republic of China
1954–1957: Secretary-General of the Association of Sovereign Asian Nations

Presidents of the Republic of China

1923–1924: Cao Kun (Zhili Clique)
1924–1931: Wu Peifu (Zhili Clique)
1931–1936: Liao Zhongkai (KMT – United Front)
1936–1936: Tan Yankai † (KMT – United Front)
1936–1939: Wang Jingwei (KMT – United Front)
1939–1939: Zhang Zhizhong (National Revolutionary Army)
1939–1939: Li Liejun (National Revolutionary Army)
1939–1960: Yan Xishan (Save China Union)
1940–1944: Qi Xieyuan † (Association for the Development of a New China)

Write-up TBD


Just wait until I actually get my shit together
The Place Beyond The Pines
Kings of England
1042-1066: Edward II (of Wessex)
1066-1067: Harold II (of Godwin)
1067-1074: Harald III 'Hardrada' (Yngling)
1074-1114: Magnus 'One-Eye' (Yngling)
1114-1137: Haakon 'the Merry' (Yngling)

Kings of England in a world based on my CK2 game as Harald Hardrada. William is killed at Hastings, and Harald defeats Harold and effectively recreates the North Sea Empire. (Edward is not The Confessor because he isn't canonized)
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Erik Ƭ̵̬̊
TLDR: William H. Murray is America's de Valera, the Soviet Union is less authoritarian, and Comrade Cripps teams up with the People's King


Harding lives, but his continuing health problems and personal scandals lead to his retirement, making him the first president since Rutherford B. Hayes. Despite the candidacies of Herbert Hoover, Hiram Johnson, and Charles Evans Hughes, the nomination is taken by "man of the people" Henry Ford. The captain of industry forms an alliance with the Ku Klux Klan to defeat the papalist Al Smith, who only wins four deep Southern states. Ford's administration follows a similar path of laissez-faire economics as Coolidge IOTL, though the presence of the Klan within the Republican Party stalls any attempts at civil rights legislation.

On schedule, the Depression hits America hard. Ford's inability to work with Congress worsens the crisis, giving a landslide victory to the Wilsonian Democratic and WWI planner Newton Baker. Tragically, he is killed by an alternate Zangara and Alfalfa Bill takes over the country. After a failed coup attempt, the new president tests the limits of democracy as Congress grants him authorization to rule by decree, the Supreme Court is packed with conservative justices, and excessive force is used in the "War on Crime." Murray's administration ends up being more Gabriel Over the White House than FDR. After a Wilsonian pacifist campaign in 1940 in which Murray won the closest race of his presidency, the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor offers Murray a chance to use his powers to the fullest extent. Murray's chief ally in the media, William Randolph Hearst, is notably able to discredit Orson Welles' attacks on the yellow journalism mogul. The mass mobilization of American forces lifts the nation out of its economic issues and gives a great propaganda victory over Germany and Japan.

In his last two terms, Murray was able to maintain his grip on power despite stronger allies like Harry F. Byrd giving support to the Republicans. The administration brutally put down mass strikes and civil rights protesting, leading to downballot Democrats proclaiming their party to be the one of order over tyranny. Still, Murray increasingly had to give way to liberals like Lester C. Hunt and the continuing insurgency in South Japan proved highly divisive. When the president died at the age of 86, though, the country was highly mournful for its conservative savior through the Great Depression and World War II.

The October Surprise of new Hunt's son being arrested for soliciting a male prostitute killed any remaining hopes of the Democrats winning reelection. The great American war hero George Patton expanded on Ford and Taft's attempts to win Republican support down South. Without the white nationalist Murray on the ticket, Patton could sweep the South after Shivers led a great exodus from the party. Patton's presidency used scorched earth tactics to put down the last Japanese holdouts, launched interventions into Latin America with various success, and supported a colonial foreign policy. At home, Patton offered a more progressive conservative approach intended to shed the Republican image of supporting unregulated capitalism. Patton died in 1963 due to the stress of a world war and leading the nation.

As opposed to his two heroic predecessors, Shivers' administration is widely viewed much more negatively due to the generational shift and division during his time in office. Several of his cabinet secretaries and political associates were later prosecuted for corruption, and his highly conservative economic agenda reversed the growth of the late 1950s. Due to declining economic opportunities, the post-WWII baby boomers grew dismayed at their government, wanting to end the highly conservative culture of their parents. After their fall during World War II, the trade unionist movement rebirthed.

The new left turned to an outspoken Congressman named John Rarick, who promoted a pacifist foreign policy abroad while pledging to go after enemies of the working class. A new coalition was built by Rarick, one that combined a left-libertarian counterculture with traditional social conservatives in the name of Murray. Shivers was seen as an antiquated figure of the past who was responsible for stagflation. Despite maintaining the conservative social structures of his predecessors, the president's policies have largely been satisfying to his base. Many are happy that the Klan has replaced drafted federal troops in enforcing segregation in Dixieland, and union loot has come home to working class families. Polls give him a strong lead over potential Republican rivals like William A. Rusher or A. Linwood Holton.

1921-1925: Warren G. Harding / Calvin Coolidge (Republican)
1920 def. James M. Cox / Franklin D. Roosevelt (Democratic), Eugene V. Debs / Seymour Stedman (Socialist)
1925-1933: Henry Ford / Charles B. Warren (Republican)
1924 def. Al Smith / Jonathan M. Davis (Democratic), Robert La Follette / Burton K. Wheeler (Progressive)
1928 def. Al Smith / Lewis Stevenson (Democratic)

1933-1933: Newton Baker / William H. Murray (Democratic)
1932 def. Henry Ford / Charles B. Warren (Republican), Norman Thomas / James H. Maurer (Socialist)
1933-1937: William H. Murray / Vacant (Democratic)
1937-1953: William H. Murray / Paul V. McNutt (Democratic)
1936 def. Henry Ford / C. Douglass Buck (Republican)
1940 def. Theodore Roosevelt Jr. / Arthur Vandenberg (Republican)
1944 def. Lester J. Dickinson / Earl Warren (Republican)
1948 def. Robert A. Taft / Harold Stassen (Republican)

1953-1956: William H. Murray / Lester C. Hunt (Democratic)
1952 def. Robert A. Taft / William Knowland (Republican)
1956-1957: Lester C. Hunt / Vacant (Democratic)
1957-1963: George Patton / Allan Shivers (Republican)
1956 def. Lester C. Hunt / Robert F. Wagner Jr. (Democratic)
1960 def. Johnston Murray / LeRoy Collins (Democratic)

1963-1965: Allan Shivers / Vacant (Republican)
1965-1973: Allan Shivers / Norris Cotton (Republican)
1964 def. Walter Reuther / Orville Freeman (Democratic)
1968 def. James Gavin / Don Edwards (Democratic)

1973-0000: John Rarick / Karl Hess (Democratic)
1972 def. Allan Shivers / Norris Cotton (Republican)

My boi Petrichenko waits until the ice melts to launch the Kronstadt rebellion, leading to a much more successful mutiny against the Bolsheviks. Lenin is even more scared than IOTL, leading to him accepting a scaled back version of the sailors’ demands. With Stalin being killed in the Polish-Soviet War, Trotsky takes over following Lenin’s death. His leadership is marred by infighting between the various factions in the USSR, and the issue of them being united in hating Trotsky. In 1926, an alliance between the right and center removes him from power. While initially seen as a transitional figurehead, Krupskaya rises above to be a strong leader herself. The NEP is modified to be more in line with Bukharin‘s proposals; successfully industrializing the country without the Stalinist forced collectivization. To many in the party, its transition was too gradual and not socialist enough, but Krupskaya skillfully played with the various factions to maintain her hold on power.

Upon the death of Krupskaya, the leftist libertarian Victor Serge won a power struggle. While interested in domestic affairs, an economic recovery and political events in Europe take greater importance. After the military defeats of Poland and France to Nazi Germany, Serge quickly takes Romania’s oil reserves, Hitler’s greatest fear. In autumn 1942, the Soviets launch an invasion of the German. Nazi Germany remained largely powerless to stop the Soviet offensive, especially as the Western Allies launched an invasion of France to return de la Roque to Paris.

In the post-WWII peace, the Soviet sphere of influence stretches to the UN buffer zone of the Rhineland. The alliance between the CCP and KMT continues, securing the peace in China. The major world powers - the USA, USSR, Britain, France, China, and Brazil were intended to take on the role of the Global Policemen and disarm oppressive states. While the United States and France often acted on their own, collaboration between the other allies was effective in enforcing the right of self-determination. While Serge's leadership is best remembered for being a period of libertarianism, the military often used force to put down opposition. The Soviet backed government of North Japan followed a policy of anti-Japanesism, which has been compared to cultural genocide by foreign observers. Today, the Japanese language in the North uses a Latin script (like the various Soviet Socalist Republic) and much of the country's militarist past has been destroyed. In 1947, a loose German Volksbund is established with Gustav Regler as head of state.

Serge died in 1953. A great succession crisis broke out, where the right-wing factions won out. Despite fears of Bonapartism, the war hero Georgy Zhukov took over the country. Zhukov's time in office was dedicated to improving relations with foreign powers and maintain the status quo domestically. Despite the latter's reputation as a warmonger, Zhukov and Patton bonded due to their shared wartime experiences. Much like Krupskaya in the 1930s, Zhukov remained in power due to his position as a national hero and effective political compromiser. Zhukov's term saw the independence of the UN Mandate of the Rhineland into the neutral Rhenish State, keeping distance away from the Eastern and Western spheres of influence. The USSR also supported left-wing governments in Latin America and Africa, often earning the ire of the United States. Zhukov also opened up the Union to the Western world, establishing ties with the France's non-aligned government following the Croix-de-Feu's fall from power.

Upon the death of Zhukov, one of his sharpest critics ascended to the presidency. Medvedev had emerged as the leader of a reinvigorated left-wing faction of the party, proposing that the way to return to the era of exponential growth was to move past the status quo of the Marshall. The dated Soviet bureaucracy was replaced and more offices were elected by a democratic vote. While in power for less than a year, Medvedev promises to offer a new generation of communist leadership.

1917-1924: Vladimir Lenin (Communist)
1924-1926: Leon Trotsky ('Left' Communist)
1926-1939: Nadezhda Krupskaya ('Center' Communist)
1939-1953: Victor Serge ('Left' Communist)
1953-1974: Georgy Zhukov ('Right' Communist)
1974-0000: Roy Medvedev ('Left' Communist)

King George V accepts MacDonald's resignation and a new election is held, with no National Government formed. Without the split in the Labour and Liberal parties, the opposition is much stronger through Baldwin's ministry. When the abdication crisis hits, Edward remains stubborn and has the public behind him. Cripps skillfully uses this opportunity to divide the Tories in two, as his alliance with Churchill and Lloyd George gives him a strong majority. Edward is able to marry Wallis Simpson, upsetting royal traditionalists but proving the power of public opinion. When war breaks out with Germany, Cripps and the King stand side by side in proclaiming a populist war. Even when France was forced to flee to Algiers, the will of the people was behind continuing the war and against the defeatist Lloyd George. Cripps uses the war to promote a great restructuring of the British economy, the establishment of India as a Royal Dominion, and forming a strong partnership with the Soviet Union. After the USSR's entry into the war, a second front is opened with France. By 1944, the war is over in Europe, leaving the United Nations to finish off Japan by Easter 1945.

Cripps, emboldened as the savior of democracy and the British economy, is seen as a larger-than-life personal hero to this day. Cripps' electoral victory in 1945 was the largest in British history, as the Tories were still divided over Wallis Simpson. Cripps used his post-war government to promote nationalization of major industries, co-operative ownership, and a welfare state. His successors continued the Crippsian Consensus, with Donald Johnson's Radical Democratic government promoting a free-market yet socially liberal agenda. His austerity measures and anti-collectivist thoughts proved unpopular, and Platts-Mills returned to power, serving until the death of the People's King. The charismatic Dell came to power on a promise to promote free trade, integrate with Europe, and stop trade union unrest. The first non-Labour majority government since 1936 hopes to prevent Britain from abandoning the free market. Dell's manifesto of ethical capitalism will face challenges, especially as the relatively young Platts-Mills begins to regret his retirement.

1929-1931: Ramsay MacDonald (Labour)
1929 (Minority) def. Stanley Baldwin (Conservative), David Lloyd George (Liberal)
1931-1936: Stanley Baldwin (Conservative)
1931 (Majority) def. Ramsay MacDonald (Labour), David Lloyd George (Liberal)
1935 (Majority) def. Arthur Henderson (Labour), David Lloyd George (Liberal)

1936-1952: Stafford Cripps (Labour)
1936 (Anti-Abdication Coupon with Independent Conservatives & Liberals) def. Stanley Baldwin (Pro-Abdication Coupon), Harry Pollitt (CPGB)
1940 (Coupon of Victory for the People’s King) def. David Lloyd George (Peace Alliance)
1945 (Majority) def. Winston Churchill (Cavalier), Leo Amery (Conservative), Violet Bondham Carter (Liberal), Harry Pollitt (CPGB)
1950 (Majority) def. Duff Cooper (Cavalier), Fredrick Marquis (Conservative), Phillip Fothergill (Liberal), Harry Pollitt (CPGB)

1952-1959: Aneurin Bevan (Labour)
1955 (Majority) def. Donald Johnson (Radical Democratic), Duff Cooper (Cavalier), Harry Pollitt (CPGB)
1959-1960: John Platts-Mills (Labour majority)
1960-1965: Donald Johnson (Radical Democratic)
1960 (Coalition) def. John Platts-Mills (Labour), Gwilym Lloyd George (Cavalier), Harry Pollitt (CPGB)
1965-1972: John Platts-Mills (Labour)
1965 (Majority) def. Donald Johnson (Radical Democratic), Duncan Sandys (Cavalier), Jack Dash (CPGB)
1970 (Majority) def. Reggie Maudling (Radical Democratic), Airey Neave (Cavalier), Jack Dash (CPGB)

1972-1974: Harold Lever (Labour majority)
1974-0000: Edmund Dell (Radical Democratic)
1974 (Majority) def. Harold Lever (Labour), John Stokes (Cavalier), Pat Jordan (CPGB)


Well-known member
1996-2001: Philip Green (Nonpartisan)
1996 def. Eric Pickles (SUP), Robert Kilroy-Silk (Democratic), George Galloway (Independent), David Armstrong-Jones-Windsor (Royalist)
2001-2002: John Scarlett (United Britannia)
2002-2007: Adair Turner (The Rose)
2002 def. John Scarlett (United Britannia), Shirley Williams (SUP), George Galloway (One People), Robert Kilroy-Silk (Democratic)
2007-2017: John Scarlett (United Britannia)
2007 def. Robert Kilroy-Silk (Democratic), Eric Pickles (SUP), Adair Turner (The Rose), Abu Hamza (One People)
2012 def. Mark Littlewood (National Future), Jack Straw (SUP), Alan Sugar (Independent), George Galloway (People Power)

2017-0000: Mark Francois (United Britannia)
2017 def. Philip Green (Independent), Robert Kilroy-Silk (Democratic), Clive Lewis (2020 Vision: The New Socialists), Annunziata Rees-Mogg (Independent), Heidi Allen (The Rose)

Since the collapse of the Commonwealth of Socialist Republics in 1995, the English Federation has been a unitary Presidential republic dominated by the United Britannia party. Formed in 1997 to support independent liberal nationalist president Philip Green, United Britannia began as a centrist pro-reunification party, which opposed the breakup of Great Britain into three Anglo-Welsh, Scottish and Irish states. The party saw the beginning of a long-term, if delayed, political hegemony when former intelligence officer, SSA chief, and Prime Minister John Scarlett assumed office as President on President Green's resignation over a series of major sex and financial scandals. Over the last 22 years it has drifted sharply to the right, beginning during John Scarlett's term as PM and his campaign to put down the insurgency in North Wales (1999-2001) and seeing its culmination in the 2007 Presidential Election campaign when Scarlett shifted sharply rightwards to attract conservative nationalists otherwise attracted to the Democrats or the remnants of the SUP in order to defeat the Liberal and Social Democratic 'The Rose' in the wake of the 2006-7 financial crisis.

In his long tenure as President and, since 2017, Prime Minister, Scarlett has pursued a hardline foreign and domestic policy, fighting back against the oligarchic class represented by his predecessor Green, and projecting English power abroad. His sponsoring of the breakaway Republic of Ulster in Northern Ireland and the descent of England's western rival into civil war and insurgency as a result has earned international condemnation but it, like the sponsorship and provision of arms to Anglophile secessionist militias in Scotland, has faced no serious repercussions. With Britain playing a vital role as a balancing power in the rivalry between the USA and EF, it has been able to carve out a sphere of influence in the north Atlantic . Many fear that Iceland or the Netherlands may soon be the next targets of Scarlet's expansionism, though this would potentially be a step too far. Of more concern to many is England's increasing influence over the right-wing governments of EF members Padania, Catalonia, and Sicily, and its ties to the irredentist regimes in Russia and the former UAR

The domestic political situation, however, is not nerarly so secure. In 2017 Francois, who is likely holding office as a placeholder before Scarlett runs again in 2022, was humiliated when he only narrowly defeated Philip Green's quixotic campaign for a comeback. Had Mark Littlewood's libertarian and pro-democracy National Future party been allowed to stand, a far more openly fraudulent electoral outcome would have been likely, though UB would almost certainly have retained power. Likewise, as more and more ardent nationalists turn to Kilroy-Silk for an ever harder line, and as the SUP's reconstituted vehicle surges amongst a suffering working class, the era of one party domination seems fragile. Nevertheless, few commentators expect Scarlett to lose if he does stand in 2022. His control of the BBC, the ITN, the major newspapers and the major steel and coal companies, and his ties to both the SSA and a subdued oligarchic class make his continued political domination of England almost certain. The only threat to RB is that Scarlett might outgrow it, and seek a new party even more centred on the execution of his whims.


The club is all their law
Sussex By The Sea
TLDR: William H. Murray is America's de Valera, the Soviet Union is less authoritarian, and Comrade Cripps teams up with the People's King
A very interesting mixture of different kinds of aaaaaaaa.

How democratic is the Soviet Union, and how is their relationship with Crippsist Britain?


Erik Ƭ̵̬̊
A very interesting mixture of different kinds of aaaaaaaa.

How democratic is the Soviet Union, and how is their relationship with Crippsist Britain?
Think something like Cuba’s system but with more power to the elected assembly. Trade unions also are able to hold weight over the government. Cripps established deep ties to the Soviets, but on many issues the UK still sides with America.


Just wait until I actually get my shit together
The Place Beyond The Pines
Presidents of the United States of America

1857-1861 Millard Fillmore (American)
1856 (with John C. Breckinridge) def. in contingent election, James Buchanan (Democratic), John C. Fremont (Republican)
1861-1865 James Guthrie (Democratic)
1860 (with Daniel S. Dickinson) def. in contingent election, William Seward (Republican), Sam Houston (American)
1865- Salmon P. Chase (Republican)
1864 (with Nathaniel P. Banks) defeated James Guthrie (Democratic)

Basically, The Know Nothings do a bit better presidentially, enough to deadlock the EC in 1856, and Fillmore is selected as a compromise over Frémont. Fillmore attempt to sooth tensions but his hopes of doing so are dashed by the Dred Scott decision, and his party begins to splinter due to same lack of infrastructure as OTL. 1860 sees many Northern Know Nothings bolt to the Republicans, but Sam Houston's insurgent "Union At Any Cost" campaign deadlocks the College for the second consecutive election. Many Republicans view Guthrie's victory as a "Second Corrupt Bargain", and an angry Chase storms to victory in 1864, setting the stage for a Civil War...
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The club is all their law
Sussex By The Sea
This started out as a collaborative list, and grew somewhat in the telling. Enjoy!

Prime Ministers of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland

1918-1924: H. H Asquith (Liberal)
def 1918: (Majority) Andrew Bonar Law (Conservative leading Unionist Coupon with Liberal Unionists, NDLP, and Irish Union), Joe Devlin (Irish Parliamentary Party), William Adamson (Labour), W. T. Cosgrave (Sinn Fein) [abstained], Henry Page Croft (National)
1924-1927: Winston Churchill (Liberal)
def 1924: (Minority with "Official" Labour confidence and supply) Leo Amery (Conservative leading Unionist Coupon with Liberal Unionists and Irish Union), Arthur Henderson ("Official" Labour), David Kirkwood ("Independent" Labour), W. T Cosgrave (Sinn Fein) [abstained], Joe Devlin (Irish Parliamentary Party), Horatio Bottomley (John Bull)
1927-1931: Maurice Hankey (Unionist)
def 1927: (Majority) Winston Churchill (Liberal), David Kirkwood (Independent Labour), Murray Sueter (National Coupon--Anti-Waste League and John Bull), Arthur Henderson (Labour), W. T Cosgrave (Sinn Fein) [abstained], Mary MacSwiney (Ireland Awake)
1931-1932: Eric Geddes (Unionist)
1932-1934: James Maxton (United Labour)
def 1932: (Coalition with Ireland Awake and "Popular" Liberals) Eric Geddes (Unionist), Jack White (Ireland Awake), Archibald Sinclair (Liberal), R. B. D. Blakeney (National Defence League), Horace Crawfurd ("Popular" Liberals), W. T. Cosgrave (Sinn Fein) [abstained], Horatio Bottomley (Independents for Bottomley)
1934-1935: Eric Geddes (Unionist leading National Government with National Defence League, Ulster Volunteer Force, National Liberals, and "Patriotic" Labour)

Prime Ministers of the United Kingdom of Great Britain

1936-1938: Samuel Hoare (Unionist leading Emergency Government with National Liberals, Democratic Defence League, and National Labour)
1938-1942: Manny Shinwell (Labour)
def 1938: (Coalition with Worker's) William Benn (Progressive), Samuel Hoare (Constitutionalist), John Maclean (Worker's), G. D. H. Cole (Co-Operative League), Raymond Asquith (Liberal), John Hargrave (The Soil), Noel Pemberton Billing (New Politics for Britain), John Beckett (National Labour), Robert McIntyre (Scotland Arise!), Jocelyn Lucas (Continuity Unionist) [prevented from taking seats], Ernest Hooley (Independents for Bottomley)
1942-1947: Edgar Lansbury (Labour)
def 1942: (Minority with Co-Operative League confidence and supply) William Beveridge (Progressive), J. R. Campbell (Worker's), Guy Aldred (Co-Operative League), W. S. Morrison (Constitutionalist), Rolf Gardiner (The Soil), Robert McIntyre (Scotland Arise!), R. J. Russell (Liberal)
def 1944: (Majority) Megan Lloyd-George (Progressive), Oliver Stanley (Constitutionalist), Guy Aldred (Co-Operative League), J. R. Campbell (Worker's), Oliver Brown (Scotland Arise!), H. J. Massingham (The Soil)

Epilogue: Sic Transit Gloria

Historians widely regard Asquith as one of the greatest Liberal Prime Ministers. He got Great Britain through the gruelling struggle of the First Great War, managed to achieve a final victory over the House of Lords, and, after the 1915 Rising was quashed harshly, managed to finally achieve Gladstone's dream and obtain Home Rule for Ireland. Despite largely being a figurehead due to advancing age, his post-war term was the apogee of classical liberalism, as tariffs were universally lifted and the Land Value Tax signed into law. Of course, an apogee, no matter how shining, implies a fall.

With Asquith announcing his retirement before the next election, having served for longer than anyone other than Pitt the Younger and Walpole, it was clear who the successor was. Churchill was popular, Churchill was influential, and most importantly, Churchill was aggressive in asserting his position in cabinet, and champing at the bit to achieve high office. However, when the election rolled around, Churchill was denied a majority, partly due to Ireland--the resumption of voting saw many soldiers stationed there turning out for the Irish part of the Unionist Coupon--and partly due to sheer voter fatigue with regards to the Liberals. With the IPP, dying its strange, slow death, not having enough seats to push the Liberals over the line, Churchill was forced to go to Labour, nor for a coalition--he wouldn't let those Spartacists into Cabinet!--but for a confidence and supply deal.

This was a mistake. Labour was no longer content to be a Liberal lapdog--the left of the party, backed by increasingly militant trade unions and fed-up working men, was tired of being taken for granted. After Henderson agreed to the confidence and supply, David Kirkwood led a group of radical MPs out of Labour, taking most of the Independent Labour Party's apparatus with them. Suddenly, Churchill's majority was slim. The government pushed on for three years, managing to get support from Unionists on conservative measures, support from the IPP on devolutionist measures, and even occasionally capturing the support of Bottomley and his merry band of populists. When the King passed away from septicaemia, Churchill went into the dissolution confident--voters would surely remember what the Liberals had done for them, and at least the rabble-rousers and German agents in Independent Labour would be gone. Unfortunately for Churchill, his confidence proved unfounded.

Maurice Hankey won out in one of the most inevitable elections of all time--people were so tired of the Liberals that they would have voted for a pot of shrimps--and was forced to deal with an increasingly unstable Britain. Strikes were becoming increasingly common, nationalists and unionists clashed in Irish streets, and various ultra-conservative groups in the UK were advocating increasingly harsh measures against 'enemy agents'. Hankey tried his best to keep a lid on things, helped along, sort of, by the various radical left-wing groups in Parliament. The post-election reunification of Labour under an explicitly revolutionary platform, and the entry into Parliament of a group of Sinn Fein defectors unhappy with the party's conservatism and Collins' dictatorial style behind the scenes, frightened many moderate Liberals into voting with the government. Things were ticking along in a fairly stable manner until, in the spring of 1930, the American stock market bubble popped, and events spiralled out of control.

Hankey, even if he had survived, would not have been able to deal with the crisis. His conservative solution, predicated on tariff reform and business stimulation measures, had very little effect on the economy, short or long term. Increasing poverty radicalised many, and political violence started to become a regular occurrence not just in Ireland, but in mainland Britain, with National Defence Legionnaires, Socialist Protection Brigade members, and stranger groups such as the Kindred of the Soil clashing with the police and each other in city streets. Rumours of a general strike were omnipresent, causing Blakeney's group to threaten 'drastic action to maintain a regular flow of supplies'. It is unlikely that Hankey would have been able to douse the flames, even if an anarchist's bomb, thrown during a state visit to the Russian Republic, removed him from office terminally. Geddes, who as Home Secretary was viewed as having the most independent experience, carried on for a year before he went to the country for legitimacy, and received a rather nasty shock.

The government of Maxton was not as revolutionary as many feared it to be. Relying on for his support a small group of Gladstonian liberals, Maxton would have been unable to abolish capitalism by fiat, hang the King from a lamppost, grind every Irish Protestant into a fine paste, or any of the other charges laid at his feet by the press. However, what he could accomplish was still worryingly radical to many, and the reveal, in April of 1934, of plans to nationalise the coal industry without compensation was the last straw for many of his enemies. A month later, boots marched down Whitehall, in what the man on the wireless assured was not a coup, but merely a former PM taking charge, Cincinnatus-like, 'for the duration of the present crisis', with the backing of some business leaders, military leaders, and 'civic-minded patriots in the Opposition parties'. Many disagreed with this analysis of the situation, and were less than pleased by the new 'National Government'. Among them were those ministers who escaped from what would later be called the Battle of Downing Street. Thus began the period referred to as The British Disturbance.

The Disturbance was not exactly a civil conflict, but something more akin to a protracted occupation on the mainland and a constant guerrilla war in Ireland. The various street-fighting groups morphed gradually into paramilitary guerrillas, and fought a slow war of attrition against the National Government, with some radicals helped along the way with plausibly deniable aid from abroad. Captured guerrillas, along with prominent civil opponents of the National Government, were sent to the various 'work camps' in the Highlands, on Salisbury Plain, or in Snowdonia 'for the duration of the crisis'. The situation in Ireland, meanwhile, was rapidly becoming untenable for the National Government. After a year of defeats as the veterans of the 1915 Rising taught a new generation, Geddes was prepared to officially pull out. Blakeney, by now a major power within the government, then decided it was time for the National Defence Legion to put down another traitorous Prime Minister. The exact timeline of events following the Christmas Coup and the death of Geddes are still unclear, but by March of 1936, Hoare had formed a relatively moderate government, Kit Poole had to try and keep his 32 county Irish Republic together, and Field Marshal Fuller had gone rogue with most of the Defence Legion and a sizeable portion of the Army.

Some conservative historians have criticised Hoare's subsequent actions, but there was frankly no other option if he wanted to beat Fuller and his National Government, and frankly the deal worked out with the Democratic groups was relatively moderate--the King was retained, and much of the Empire besides India, even if the House of Lords became an elected senate. After two years of street-fighting and ambushes, Fuller surrendered at Portsmouth and Hoare ended the State of Emergency, in preparation for the first elections under universal manhood suffrage. Benn's Gladstonian movement, inheriting much of the Liberal vote share despite the existence of a nostalgic remnant Liberal party, managed to form the opposition. Hoare's rebranded Unionists (with a name intended to evoke democracy) had a decent showing, and a multitude of small parties managed to gain entrance to parliament in the general chaos. Despite all this, the outcome was never really in doubt. Labour was back, even if the UGCR-supporting Worker's Party was propping them up, and Shinwell was going to reshape Britain.

While the Shinwell government has many great achievements to its name--the British Healthcare Service, the New Towns, the state pension--the one most relevant to this discussion is the Foot Inquiry. Set up as a multipartisan commission by the government, and led officially by Progressive grandee Dingle Foot, the role of the commission was to investigate the deeds of the National Government, and who was implicated in them. When the report dropped, public outcry over the tales of brutality and slaughter revealed forced many resignations--the two main parties, descended from resistance groupings, got off relatively lightly, but the Constitutionalists were decimated, and the minor parties descended from the National Government's 'patriotic Opposition members' were all but wiped out. All was not well on the foreign front, however-- there was increasing concern over Shinwell's friendliness towards the Ratsrepublikens, and his tacit support of their actions in Switzerland. It was agreed after a heated five-hour meeting, in which Shinwell allegedly gave Bevin a black eye, that he would stand aside for a less pro-German candidate in the next election, on the condition that this successor would be a man who would continue the rest of his agenda.

The former Mayor of Poplar was selected from an array of Labour Senators as a compromise left-wing candidate, partly in the memory of his departed father. His first act was to call an immediate election, gambling that the Foot Inquiry would put his opponents on the back foot, so to speak. Presiding over the most left-wing Parliament in British history, with the only parties of the Right being the floundering Constitutionalists and the bizarre eco-nationalists in The Soil, still was not enough for a majority. The Co-operative League worked well with the new government, agreeing willingly to welfarist proposals provided they were tempered with increased worker ownership. Unfortunately, Aldred was intransigent on the one area Lansbury was selected to carry out change in--foreign policy. His firm pacifism clashed heavily with the new government's desire to contain Germany, and after two years of Aldred balking every time an attempt was made to increase the British defence budget, Lansbury held another election in an attempt to get rid of him. After the dust had settled, despite the impact of Britain's first female Leader of the Opposition and the resurgence of the Constitutionalists on a platform of 'property-owning democracy', Lansbury became the first Prime Minister to gain re-election since Asquith--ironically in the same election that his former party slipped out of Parliament for the last time.

--Extract from Lightning in the Brain: The Life and Career of Herbert Asquith, by Eric Bartlett​


Well-known member
The Greatest Honor History Can Bestow...
[Part 1 of an ongoing series]
Unknown Unknowns
[Part 2 of an ongoing series]

1981-1989: Donald Rumsfeld/Daniel J. Evans (Republican) [6]
'80 def. A. Noam Chomsky/Barbara Ehrenreich (New), Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr./James B. Hunt (Democratic)
'84 def. Joe Biden/Philip Burton (Democratic), A. Noam Chomsky/Ramsey Clark (New)

1989-1993: Lee Iacocca/James B. Longley (Independent) [7]
'88 def. Chuck Robb/Toney Anaya (Democratic), Jack Kemp/Frank D. White (Republican), John Sweeney/LaDonna Harris (New)
1993-1995: Booth Gardner •/Bob Kerrey (Democratic) [8]
'92 def. Nicky Rowe/Pat Saiki (Republican), Bernard Sanders/Hilda Mason (New)
1995-1996: Bob Kerrey/Vacant (Democratic) [9]
1996-1997: Bob Kerrey/Kathleen Kennedy Townsend (Democratic)
1997-: H. Ross Perot/Bill Schuette (Independent endorsed by Republican)
'96 def. Kathleen Kennedy Townsend/Robert Kerr III (Democratic), Christie Whitman/Ray Metcalfe (Republican Moderate)

[6] For eight years in power, Americans often seem to forget Donald Rumsfeld. He wasn't a figure of hate like Agnew or Schlesinger, he wasn't beloved like Iacocca or even Dole, he was just sort of there for eight years. The grey, boring, Midwestern Navy veteran and career politician came across more like an accountant than a politician, and his proclamations that there was no alternative to cutting taxes to stimulate the economy and cutting funding for welfare to fight inflation and get America back to work carried the ring of unavoidable truth rather than political statements, no matter what the economists said. And even though the 1980s saw some very significant events at home and across the world, none of it seemed to stick to Rumsfeld, for good or for ill.
"Donaldnomics" was the watchword of Rumsfeld's first term. Not social issues - even despite Phyllis Schlafly's campaigning, the Equal Rights Amendment was ratified with little comment from the White House, and one of Rumsfeld's Supreme Court nominees was the swing vote to invalidate anti-sodomy laws. Not foreign policy - after Vietnam, Greece, and Panama, most Americans wanted to leave the rest of the world well enough alone, and the administration was happy to oblige them on that, outside of "international market politics" like trade and the IMF. But the main priority of the administration was dealing with the recession.
Did Donaldnomics work? It's hard to say. The economic crisis of the late '70s was more or less over by 1984, but the recovery was more concentrated in some regions than others - many analysts have credited it more to the rise in oil prices as al-Ikhwan carried out a campaign against Saudi oilfields in their quest to topple the House of Saud and Iraq tried to consolidate authority after a messy palace coup by invading Iran, or to the Digital Revolution allowing companies like Electronic Data Systems, MITS, and Tesuji to create the Silicon Mountains of Colorado and New Mexico and the Silicon Plains of the I-35 corridor. Other analysts have pointed to Galbraith's inflation hawkery - destructive in the short term, but allowing the economy to regain its footing after he and his President were out of office. Still others have pointed to simple reversion to the mean.
But it's undeniable that the economy did, in fact, recover. By 1984, the United States was squarely in the middle of an economic boom, feeding off both similar booms in places like Michel Poniatowski's France, Edgardo Sogno's Italy, and third world trading partners like V. P. Singh's India and Widjojo Nitisastro's Indonesia, as well as the Latin American debt crisis. While regions of the country that did not share as much in the economic upturn, such as the deindustrializing Midwest and Northeast, turned out for Joe Biden in the 1984 elections, and Chomsky's second run for the Presidency won more states (though fewer votes, electoral or otherwise) than four years earlier, Rumsfeld still won a second term by a strong margin, though not the landslide of 1980.
His second term, though, did not go especially well for him or the country. The economy kept growing steadily in many regions, but the relaxation of trade began to create discontent amidst deindustrialization and the decline of labor unions. As radical AFSCME President Gerald McEntee led a coalition of about a dozen unions out of the increasingly establishment-friendly AFL-CIO, forming the United Labor Action Council, more independent actions began to proliferate - wildcat strikes on freight rail lines, protest trucks completely blocking off state capitols, family farmers raiding grain elevators and in one case even bombing a shipment of Argentine beef.
Immigration also became a flashpoint, with the establishment consensus shared by both Democratic leadership like Biden and the Rumsfeld administration - citizenship for "skilled" immigrants, temporary visas and benign neglect of violations for "unskilled" - facing criticism from both the left and the right. The left, embodied in people like Noam Chomsky and UFW President Philip Vera Cruz, criticized the consensus on the grounds that it allowed the victimization of workers in the United States and abroad. More conservative - or even quasi-left populist - voices criticized it for undercutting native-born Americans and fostering the sort of multiculturalism Schlesinger had warned about.
But by far the most significant event or policy of Rumsfeld's second term was the "East Asia Crisis". The name is a misnomer, as the crisis was made up of a number of essentially unrelated issues in places stretching from the Kuril Islands to the Indonesian island of Timor. The causes were myriad, but they stemmed mostly from a central tension - time was running out for the American-backed autocratic regimes that dotted the region, from Kim Jae-gyu's Republic of Korea to Wang Sheng's Taiwan to Toh Chin Chye's Singapore.
This manifested in a few ways - Singapore had frequent protests by leftist groups like the Singapore Radical Students' Union and Communist Party of Malaya, while Taiwan skirmished with the People's Republic of China over borders in the Strait. Indonesia and the Philippines dealt with separatists in Timor and primarily-Moro areas of Mindanao, while the Marcos regime also dealt with student and labor oppositions, assassinating opposition leader Jovito Salonga on American soil in 1985. Japan engaged in a settlement program of its disputed territories, and Prime Minister Koichi Tsukamoto began to openly talk about revising Article 9 and expressing skepticism about Japanese war crimes, backed by a wide variety of conservative shinshūkyō.
But the most significant place, to American eyes at least, was Korea. The long-standing authoritarian regime there, led by former KCIA head Kim Jae-gyu after a 1981 coup d'etat, was facing increasing dissent - both from below, particularly in the form of student protest movements that occasionally boiled over into mass movements like the Gwangju Uprising, and from within the regime as figures within the government and security services jockeyed for power and influence. The bête noire of the regime was North Korea, which was facing its own difficulties - increasing economic issues had sparked a coup against longtime leader Kim Il-sung by Minister of Armed Forces O Jin-u, and the instability of the O regime had led to increased uncertainty, as well as attempts to make the South and its American allies a unifying force by making it seem like a clear and present danger. For the South Korean part, its military intelligence served a similar role - inflated reports on the threat from the North were to the advantage of the intelligence services within the military, the military within the government, and the government within the nation. Something was going to give at some point.
The opportunity came with the state funeral for Ismail of Johor, the 90-year-old Yang di-Pertuan Agong of Malaysia. As Kim and a number of other top officials, as well as American ambassador William Clark, taxied toward Subang International Airport, a (suspected) North Korean agent shot a grenade toward the airplane. Kim lost an eye but survived, but Clark and a number of high officials did not. South Korea responded by aggressively patrolling the Northern Limit Line, sinking a North Korean ship that came too close within a week. The Second Korean War began in fits and starts throughout June 1986, and the United States officially joined a month later.
American involvement in KWII, as those fond of acronyms called it, was not very extensive. South Korea was not South Vietnam - its military was basically competent, and American involvement was mostly limited to advisory roles, naval patrols, and high-altitude bombing. Still, with the midterms so close, the administration pursued and received a declaration of war against the unpopular North Korea.
That came back to bite him. Sure, the Republicans won the midterms - between them and Senator Ross Perot, a pro-tech and anti-free-trade independent who caucused with them, they had control of both houses of Congress. But as South Korean troops inched toward Pyongyang, it became clear that the war was going to be something of a quagmire. Worse, news filtered back of the atrocities committed by U.S. allies - South Korea's suppression of home-front dissent in the Chungnam massacre, the assassination of Hsu Hsin-liang and crowds of his supporters at Chiang Kai-shek International Airport, Singapore's secret prison on Pulau Blakang Mati - and American complicity.
In the end, the Istanbul Accords - providing a framework to bring about a unified, democratic, Korea, albeit not a vision that quite came to fruition in the thirty years since they were signed - were a major part of the Rumsfeld legacy. But even as Secretary of State Kirkpatrick became Time's Woman of the Year, Rumsfeld's chosen successor in New York Senator Jack Kemp was fighting two very strong challengers, both Texan.
Nicky Rowe, the incumbent Governor of Texas, had seen American policy in East Asia up close over the span of two decades, from being a prisoner of war in Vietnam to being shot at in the Philippines. A Cold Warrior comfortable with the notion of American Empire, he nonetheless saw the Rumpatrick Doctrine as a breaking of promises to defend and foster democracy and human rights - else, what were our servicemen fighting for?
Senator Perot had a different criticism. The Rumsfeld administration had pursued free trade treaties across the world - with Canada and, after the breakup of the European Economic Community, constituent countries such as France and successor organizations such as the Nordic Council. This was controversial, particularly in deindustrializing areas of the Midwest and Northeast.
Conventional wisdom tells us that either one of them would have won if the other one hadn't run, but they cannibalized each others' votes and allowed Jack Kemp to lock the nomination up by a whisker.

[7] But it was not Chuck Robb, the Democratic candidate, who reaped the Republicans' misfortune. The former Virginia Governor, son-in-law of Lyndon Johnson, and Vietnam War veteran did well in the election - despite a hearty challenge by civil rights hero and former Atlanta mayor Andrew Young which faltered over foreign policy, Robb cruised to the Democratic nomination, but was undone by allegations of infidelity and cocaine use.
John Sweeney, the New Party candidate, looked like he had a chance for a brief moment. The SEIU president and McEntee ally had ideas on internationalist foreign policy, labor rights, and a generally progressive, even democratic-socialist, policy opposed to the centrist "New Current" of the Democratic Party. But the New Party had problems of its own, ranging from tensions over race and immigration to attempts at entryism by Transcendentalists like Mike Tompkins. The Sweeney campaign was the high-water mark of the party, but it only won three states in the end.
No, the victor, like George Washington before him, was tied to no political party, at least not openly. Lee Iacocca took an unusual path to the Presidency - the son of Italian immigrants, he rose through the ranks at Ford from an entry-level engineer to management before moving laterally to Chrysler and saving it from the hole it was in in the late '70s. A public figure and celebrity, someone who had started from modest means and made his way to the top of American business, Iacocca was widely viewed as a natural future President.
The only problem was, he didn't really want to be. Comfortable in his business, he kept his politics generic and to himself. He came out of his shell during the Gavin-Iacocca Commission, where he co-chaired a federal commission on modernizing American industrial policy - the report that commission wrote was an unexpected bestseller in 1981, all stark prose and calmly authoritative criticism and clear suggestions. And then the Rumsfeld administration ignored it, seemed to take special glee in tearing it up with its free trade treaties and its movements to break the back of labor unions at home and abroad, even as Solidarity stood in front of Red Army tanks in Gdansk and Warsaw.
When he was approached in 1987, he was non-committal. With so many crises across the globe, it didn't seem like the right time for a novice. The mooted candidacies of Morton Downey, Jr., the arch-conservative television host who seemed, at least for a time, to be the kind of madman with enough of a chance to be plausibly dangerous, and Larry McDonald, the Bircher congressman who had held a seat in Northwest Georgia as an independent for several terms, changed that. Iacocca came to the conclusion that, if there was a demand for an outsider independent, he might as well harness it and keep it out of the hands of the truly dangerous.
He set a trickle of news to keep people interested and quietly build the infrastructure for a run before jumping in in early 1988. He immediately took a lead and never really looked back, winning in November on an unusual coalition of the booming Mountain West and the deindustrializing Rust Belt, plus Florida. The lame duck period was harder than that of most administrations - he had no party machinery, no bench of people to draw on for appointed positions - but he made do.
In office, his record was substantial. On foreign policy, he was perhaps the only President with the credibility and perception to pursue "strategic withdrawal" in East Asia without being accused of weakness, bringing about talks between the Koreas, as well as between the People's Republic of Singapore and its government-in-exile in Sydney. Japan was a harder problem, but the general tensions in the region, as well as the populist rhetoric of the Tsukamoto government in specific, had led to an economic slowdown anyway - an internal party coup removed Tsukamoto, and Iacocca threw new Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi a bone by shuttering the American bases on Okinawa. There was, of course, China, but since its chaotic 1970s the country had mostly turned inward, except for the negotiations regarding Hong Kong and some saber-rattling over Taiwan and Indian borders in the Himalayas.
But as the American presence waned in East Asia, it waxed in the Middle East. After the Yom Kippur War and Agnew's decision to provide only token aid (putting paid to American justifications for the occupation of Greece in the process), Israel had come to the conclusion that American assistance could not be counted upon even in case of grave danger. Rumsfeld's assistance in the Balata Uprising and subsequent war in Lebanon went some way to countering that, but the election of Likud hardliner Yitzhak Shamir with the support of far-right leader Meir Kahane brought about renewed concerns of Israel becoming a rogue state, a prospect more frightening due to Israel's unofficially-announced possession of nuclear weapons.
To the south, Saudi Arabia's war against al-Ikhwan was winding down, but the group had merely changed their tactics. Instead of striking at oil refineries or the Saud family itself, it turned to blackmail and extortion to try to accomplish political goals on the Peninsula, while sending aid to forces fighting elsewhere - for example, Palestine, or New Basmachi rebels against the Soviets in Central Asia, or rebels against the new Iranian puppet government in Iraq, or irregulars in Kashmir and Sri Lanka fighting the Indian occupations. In 1989, partly as a test of American resolve, al-Ikhwan carried out something the United States couldn't ignore - while on a routine refueling stop in Mumbai, the USS Kinkaid was attacked by suicide bombers, nearly sinking the ship.
The Middle East conflict was a major issue of the Iacocca presidency. Colin Powell, Secretary of the Army during the Second Korean War and the new Secretary of Defense, sought to pursue a multilateralist strategy, aided by Sultan Qaboos of Oman, Prime Minister Peter Shore of the United Kingdom, and Prime Minister Indrajit Gupta, India's first leader from a left-of-center party. He also saw assistance from more unexpected directions - the Soviet Union especially, as the reformist Aitmatov Clique sought an end to the Cold War - and, perhaps more pressingly, to their own domestic unrest in Central Asia. The newly elected General Secretary Eduard Shevardnadze and the new ceremonial President, author Chinghiz Aitmatov, sought greater liberalization, democracy, and decentralization at home, as well as peace abroad - counterintuitively, they pursued that aim by coordinating with American actions in the Middle East. The talks between Secretary of State (and former President) Melvin Laird and Shevardnadze in Gothenburg, Sweden, became known to future pop-historians as "the day the Cold War ended".
"Victory" in the Cold War would be the greatest legacy of the Iacocca presidency. But domestic affairs would also be a concern. Iacocca's industrial policy was an odd duck - it seemed to have something for everyone, creating the Industrial Labor Relation Boards which increased union power by binding entire industries to commitments made through collective bargaining but which also prevented unions from playing employers against one another and more thoroughly banned wildcat strikes.
Economically, he worked with Federal Reserve Chair Martin Feldstein to prevent the economy from overheating and reduce geographic inequality. Skeptical of deficits and encouraged in that skepticism by Feldstein, Iacocca cut spending significantly, both on the military and (to a lesser extent) on domestic welfare. He also modestly raised taxes - particularly on extracting finite resources like aquifers, and especially on the oil industry. One inadvertent effect of those policies was to split the environmental movement - the administration supported reducing auto emissions, factory pollution, and overall oil production, but its public works projects ticked off conservationists by flooding valleys with dams, cutting highways and airports through wilderness, and encouraging sprawl.
Immigration was another major issue of the Iacocca presidency, especially as refugees and economic migrants left trouble spots across the world, from post-Kaepang North Korea to divided Sri Lanka to Lebanon. In what is perhaps the darkest mark on Iacocca's record, he punted on the issue, refusing to decisively address it or meaningfully break from - or, for that matter, shore up - the 1980s consensus.
Perhaps he would have in his second term. But after a single term, Iacocca was less concerned about the fate of America under the leadership of others than he had been in 1988. In early 1992 - before the Iowa Caucuses, but well after the foreshortened fields of candidates in both parties had developed, with heavy hitters in both parties refusing to run against a wildly popular President - President Iacocca declared that he would not seek, nor would he accept, a second term.

[8] House Minority Leader Al Gore. Senator Michael Dukakis. Governor Kathleen Brown. Even former nominees Joe Biden and Chuck Robb, plus wild efforts to bring in former President Schlesinger and former Vice President Carter, or to tempt the incumbent VP James B. Longley back into the Democratic fold. All of these people were subject to concerted efforts to bring them into the race, and not a single one did.
Instead, the Democratic National Convention in Detroit, Michigan saw Senator Booth Gardner win the nomination, very nearly by acclamation. It was an odd journey for Gardner - heir to a timber fortune, the Senator had served as Governor in the late '70s and early '80s, first coming to the attention of national Democrats by winning re-election in the wave year of 1980. Those observers soon saw his tenure in the Governorship, in which he established a state health insurance program, protected and enforced the protection of hundreds of thousands of acres of wilderness, and created the first state-level ordinance prohibiting discrimination against gay and lesbian employees, leading to his gaining a reputation as the most progressive Governor in the United States.
Elected to the Senate to succeed the retiring Warren Magnuson two years after leaving the Governorship, Gardner continued his progressive record, becoming known for a 16-hour filibuster against a bill that would have dramatically increased the scope of domestic surveillance programs and for shepherding the Collective Bargaining Reform Act through the Senate over the Democrats' "New Current" leadership and the objections of conservative Republicans. He did all this - and rocketed to the Democratic nomination over idiosyncratic longtime gadfly Mike Gravel and calm, centrist, pathbreaking Pennsylvania Governor William Gray - with a voice compared to "Elmer Fudd on helium" and a personal manner that even his closest allies called unusual.
And then he won. His opponent, Nikki Rowe, was a formidable competitor, but bad blood within the Republican party and concerns over his undistinguished record in Texas hurt his campaign in a way that all the trumpeting of his military experience in the world couldn't correct for. And Gardner's progressive credentials peeled off relatively moderate New Party members, leaving Senator Bernie Sanders to win only his home state and openly propose a merger of the two parties - meanwhile, Senator Paul Wellstone, elected two years earlier, joined the Democratic caucus soon after the election.
The Gardner presidency has been polarizing to Americans from the start, a factor that to some extent is irrespective of political affiliation. For good or for ill, he certainly accomplished a lot in his single term. Foreign affairs was a major preoccupation of his administration. He turned Iacocca's desultory attempts at negotiating German reunification into standing roundtable talks, although those took a while to come to fruition. With the aid of UN Secretary-General Raul Manglapus, himself a symbol of democratization in the Philippines, he helped bring an end to civil wars in Nigeria and Nepal, and negotiate many other wars from even beginning. In Latin America, he is known and respected for promoting a "New Good Neighbor Policy", and particularly for taking steps to normalize relations with Cuba, albeit unsuccessfully, and pressing the Mexican government into recognizing the democratic election of Luis Álvarez, PAN candidate, over the PRI establishment. In East Asia, intersecting streets in the Xiamen International Peace City are named for Gardner and Secretary of State Richard Holbrooke, who helped bring about peace and mutual recognition between Taiwan and mainland China - Holbrooke and then-Presidents Li Peng of China and Lin Yi-hsiung of Taiwan won the 1999 Nobel Peace Prize for that accomplishment.
He looms large in domestic policy as well. While his dreams of a comprehensive bill protecting the rights of romantic and sexual minorities foundered on the rocks of the fact that not even most Democrats supported the idea, he did end discrimination against HPTA individuals in civilian government posts and expand hate crime laws to protect them. Education reform was another major focus of his Presidency - he worked with Congress to overhaul primary and secondary school funding in America, establish nationally standardized exams to measure progress, and improve and expand postsecondary education, especially for smaller and more urban schools. While the Comprehensive Education Quality and Access Reform Act has had its critics, especially for its focus on standardized testing, it remains a major part of the educational ecosystem.
But his largest achievement on the domestic front was the Health Security Act, known to most Americans as GardnerCare. Imposing price controls on health insurance and an employer mandate to provide it, as well as funding state-level health providers and providing certain grants to access healthcare, particularly long-term care, the HSA was a truly radical shift, one Gardner (and his newly-minted Secretary of Healthcare Martha Griffiths) fought tooth-and-nail for in Congress, only narrowly passing by scuttling a planned public option. Like CEQARA, the HSA has come under criticism both for how far it went and how much further it, perhaps, could have gone. But universal healthcare, albeit neither complete in what it covers nor publicly administered, was still a massive achievement.
In the 1994 midterm elections, the House of Representatives flipped to the Republican Party for the first time in more than four decades. Gardner took the opportunity to turn his attention to something supported by both himself and Republican leaders like former Presidential nominee Jack Kemp. Throughout the Cold War the American line had been that if the Soviets opened up to capitalism, the West would welcome them with open arms. Shevardnadze now sought to test that, attempting to bring about free trade between the United States, the Soviet Union, and if possible other nations. It has since been argued that the proposal was wholly or in part insincere, a ploy to make the Americans seem untrustworthy and bolster the credibility of the Soviet government. But if it were a ploy, it was a ploy that worked.
Gardner backed it from the get-go, but didn't count on the depths of public opposition to it. It came from many corners - visceral anti-communists who saw any proposal by the Kremlin as inherently suspect and the treaty as a possible Trojan Horse for price-dumping, protectionists worried about the implications for American jobs, and people concerned about giving up American supremacy and shoring up the Soviet government among them. Overnight, Ross Perot became one of the best-known and best-regarded politicians in the United States. And as Shevardnadze effigies and Gardner dartboards spread across America's streets and living rooms, the President fought even harder for the agreement, holding summit after summit, broadcasting PSAs to the American people, and pressing harder for some sort of treaty rather than a mere executive agreement.
Like Wilson before him, what happened in that effort made the state of the President's health a major issue. Throughout his Presidency, Booth Gardner was known for some odd physical movements in public appearances, but most people chalked that up to his general idiosyncracies. It was only a few people who noticed, at first, how he tended to keep his hands stilled on desks and tables, how when he didn't, they sometimes trembled and made odd circular motions with the fingers and thumbs. It wasn't common, after all. Just something he did a few times on the campaign trail, and a bit more in the presidency.
His family and closest colleagues urged him to go to the Physician to the President about it, but there was always so much to do. Too many bills that needed to be passed, too many fires that needed to be put out. In retrospect, Gardner said in interviews, this was denial, trying to avoid the problem. What we do know is that he was diagnosed with Parkinson's syndrome sometime in early 1995.
He did consider resigning, even drawing up the paperwork for it, but he came to decide that he could stick it out for a bit longer. Executive dysfunction was a common symptom, but not one he had experienced, on or off medication, and the physical symptoms he could deal with - had been dealing with, without even knowing it, for years. Besides, there was too much to do - the Arctic Trade Zone Agreement, ending the Cold War, all the domestic policy reforms there were. It wouldn't be fair to put that on Kerrey, and he suspected that, perhaps, the more hawkish Kerrey would be received worse than he was.
Only a few people knew for sure. Kerrey, his family, the Vice President and a few key members of the Cabinet and Congress, some top White House staff. And then there were the conspiracy theorists - some people who saw in Gardner the same symptoms they had seen in their own relatives, others conservatives looking for something, anything, that would end the Gardner experiment. This got all the way to the ears of the press, who asked a few pointed questions of the White House, but they managed to be just non-committal enough to stay within the bounds of truth, if not honesty.
But on the campaign trail it was getting too much to bear. As Gardner shuffled to the lectern in Georgetown, as he slurred in interviews with his face like a mask, as his hands shook and he occasionally stopped, feet rooted to the ground, frozen like a deer in headlights, he came to the conclusion that he simply couldn't go on.
He did not give a televised resignation address, suspecting that were he to do so the emotion of the moment would get to him. In his written address, he spoke of having Parkinson's, of wanting to spend the remaining years of his life with his family. Of having let down the American people by waiting so long to get checked out and to resign. But also of his hope that the new President Kerrey would work to build peace and prosperity abroad and at home.

[9] Bob Kerrey was a lame duck virtually on the day of his inauguration, and probably would have been even if he had run for a second term. A two-term former governor of Nebraska, he had been a dark-horse choice for the Vice Presidency, and with a young and apparently healthy President it seemed unlikely that he would rise any farther than that. And then the President turned out to have MS.
His Presidency did not become much more auspicious after its beginning. At least Kerrey was spared being questioned by Congress for his role in the "cover-up" - Speaker Lawrence Hogan Jr., son of the Larry Hogan who had helped undermine the Agnew presidency in the '70s, stonewalled such attempts by the more cussed members of his caucus. But he couldn't keep the dream of Gardner's New World Order alive.
The first sign of trouble was in Vietnam. Postwar reunification had been, in the terse words of President Rumsfeld, "a bitch", with tensions between the North and South still remaining a major factor in Vietnamese politics. President Gardner had attempted to reach out to Vietnam - crucially, not only to the then-ruling Nationalist Democratic Party (in Vietnamese, Quốc Dân Chủ Đảng) of the South, but also to the Socialist Party of the North. The elevation of Kerrey to the Presidency upset those delicate efforts due to the simple fact of Kerrey being who he was, a Vietnam War veteran hailed as a hero in the United States and considered a war criminal by the North. Even many members of the QDCĐ opposed him, and when Lê Đức Anh, the hardline Communist Shadow Minister of Defense, was elected Prime Minister, it was with the support of schismatic QDCĐ members.
On the other end of the post-Communist world, Yugoslavia was in crisis. Tito had died ten years previously, and his successors Džemal Bijedić, Branko Horvat, and Janez Drnovšek had proven much less able to hold the nation together. Before his resignation, Gardner had worked to put together roundtable talks to avoid war, but those talks broke down, despite holdover Secretary of State Richard Holbrooke's better efforts. Holbrooke's resignation in protest over Kerrey's "apparent disinterest" in continuing the Gardner doctrine severely weakened Kerrey's position.
At home, things were not much better. The economy, which had boomed under Iacocca and Gardner, was beginning to plateau - partly due to the chaotic and unexpected end of the Gardner presidency undermining investor confidence, and partly due to a sort of "death by a thousand cuts" in the words of Paul Krugman, as disparate industries such as air travel, energy, and finance came to their own crises. While the economy had not quite reached a recession, and indeed, according to many economists, was merely growing at its long-term average rate after a period of unusual expansion, the "Kerrey Shock" was an unwelcome development for many Americans, including the President.
The dramatic proving-right of conspiracy theorists also its own effects - anti-establishment figures like Jack Gargan and Larry McDonald, who had promoted conspiracy theories in the past, gained a public following and more power in the House. Perhaps more troublingly, other, more radical, conspiracy theories arose, propagated on the growing Hypernet. A supporter of The Great Awakening, a far-right conspiracy accusing the Kennedy family (including former Governor of Maryland and newly-appointed Vice President Kathleen Kennedy Townsend) of running world politics behind the scenes to maintain their international sex-slave-trafficking ring, assassinated John F. Kennedy Jr. in Manhattan, while supporters of another theory attempted to storm the Soviet Consulate in San Francisco, succeeding in firebombing the parking garage.
Perhaps the greatest anti-establishment figure in the United States was Ross Perot. By now a three-term independent Senator from Texas, he had planned to retire back when it looked like Gardner would serve two terms as President, leaving his seat open in 1996. But the ignominious end of the Gardner presidency and the shambolic nature of the Kerrey era changed his mind somewhat. He elected to run for President - both as an independent effort and by running in the 1996 Republican primaries.
Somewhat surprisingly, it worked. Perot swept the first tranche of primaries, helped by his better-organized outside effort and oodles of Silicon Plains cash. By the time the Convention came around, Perot was able to dictate terms to the Republican Party, helped by a convention walkout over proposed pro-tariff planks and some of Perot's supporters' ties to conspiritarians and militia groups. Christie Whitman's new Republican Moderate ticket arose out of that walkout, but the end result led to the Republican Party backing Perot to the hilt, with a few fig-leaves such as the nomination of Michigan Governor Bill Schuette as Perot's running mate.
Kathleen Kennedy Townsend, the chosen successor of still-respected former President Gardner in the absence of Kerrey's run, was the first woman to win the nomination of a major political party, and shared the honor of being the first woman to win a state with Whitman (who won in Alaska and Delaware). But she did not become the first female President, despite a number of polls early in the election suggesting she might be able to pull it off, despite the first results on Election Night suggesting a close race, as northeastern states turned out for Townsend in full force. But the Midwest was good for Perot, and the South very good for him. It was clear well before midnight that Perot would be the next President of the United States.
On January 6, 1997, a mere two weeks before the inauguration, the Dow Jones Industrial Average fell by nearly a quarter of its value. A few hours later, the panic spread to markets in Australia and East Asia, and from there west with the sunrise. The "Perot Panic" had begun.

Time Enough

Ain’t Life Beautiful
While the Shinwell government has many great achievements to its name--the British Healthcare Service, the New Towns, the state pension--the one most relevant to this discussion is the Foot Inquiry. Set up as a multipartisan commission by the government, and led officially by Progressive grandee Dingle Foot, the role of the commission was to investigate the deeds of the National Government, and who was implicated in them. When the report dropped, public outcry over the tales of brutality and slaughter revealed forced many resignations--the two main parties, descended from resistance groupings, got off relatively lightly, but the Constitutionalists were decimated, and the minor parties descended from the National Government's 'patriotic Opposition members' were all but wiped out. All was not well on the foreign front, however-- there was increasing concern over Shinwell's friendliness towards the Ratsrepublikens, and his tacit support of their actions in Switzerland. It was agreed after a heated five-hour meeting, in which Shinwell allegedly gave Bevin a black eye, that he would stand aside for a less pro-German candidate in the next election, on the condition that this successor would be a man who would continue the rest of his agenda.
I think putting Shinwill and Bevin in a room together was bad idea to begin with; Shinwill with the hot head and ability to expertly slap/punch people, Bevin with his alleged anti-semitism and ability to annoy people (not as bad as Morrison though). It was bound to end with Bevin being decked.

Also I'm guessing Attlee, Morrison and co were sent to work camps, it seems likely that would happen. Nice little list there, shame about Maxton, I bet his ghost haunts Downing Street complaining that the Labour Government isn't left wing enough.


The club is all their law
Sussex By The Sea
Also I'm guessing Attlee, Morrison and co were sent to work camps, it seems likely that would happen.
Atlee himself is the subject of a lot of war movies for leading a mass escape from Camp 17 in the Highlands, and has since gained an important position in the Secret Service. As a junior minister, Morrison managed to escape the Battle of Downing Street alive, was arrested a month later, freed a year later, and is currently on the verge of retirement as Minister for Public Works in the Lansbury Cabinet.


Normalise Your Mum
Published by SLP
1977-1981: Gerald Ford / Howard Baker (Republican)
1976: Hubert Humphrey / Terry Sanford (Democratic), Eugene McCarthy / Various (Independent)
1981-1989: Jerry Brown / William Proxmire (Democratic)
1980: Howard Baker / Jack Kemp (Republican), Larry McDonald / John K. Singlaub (Independent)
1984: Jack Kemp / Anne Armstrong (Republican)

1989-1993: Larry McDonald / Jack Lousma (Republican)
1988: Birch Bayh / Toby Moffett (Democratic) , Charles Mathias / Paul Tsongas (Liberal)
1993-: Geraldine Ferraro / Sam Nunn (Democratic)
1992: Larry McDonald / Oliver North (Republican)

“...Tomorrow is the state funeral of former President Ferraro, the first female President of the United States. All this week we've be talking to women in politics about what the Ferraro Presidency meant for women, the world and themselves. With me in the studio today we have commentator and former editor of the Washington Post Janet Cooke, Counsellor to the President Neera Tanden, and former Supreme Court Justice Carla Hills."

Good evening to you all."
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Well-known member
A Ship of Fools

2017-2021: Joe Biden / Elizabeth Warren (Democratic)
2016 def. Donald J. Trump / Joni Ernst (Republican)
2021-2029: Tucker Carlson / Joe Walsh (Republican)
2020 def. Joe Biden / Elizabeth Warren (Democratic)
2024 def. Kamala Harris / Seth Moulton (Democratic), Mark Ruffalo / Zephyr Teachout (Independent)

2029-0000: Nicole Galloway / Cory Booker (Democratic)
2028 def. Joe Walsh / Josh Hawley (Republican), Mark Ruffalo / Letitia James (People's)

ITTL Biden runs in 2016 and comes out on top in a struggle with Hillary, narrowly defeating a surprisingly strong Trump in November's election. Unfortunately Biden turns out to be as gaffe prone in office as on the campaign trail, and as the President seems increasingly "tired and confused" the economy begins to slip into a recession. Biden prevaricates throughout his term on serious reform, and Vice President Warren publicly criticises some of the administration's more "business friendly" policies as the Democrats slip further in the polls. Without a Democratic congress Biden achieves very little and, seeming betrayed by the Democrats once again, the white working class flee en masse to support the candidacy of populist GOP pundit Tucker Carlson who manages to take up the Trumpist banner to defeat Joni Ernst, Tom Cotton, Ted Cruz, Nikki Haley, Rick Scott and almost every other Republican officeholder in a second nightmare primary.

Mark Ruffalo's quixotic independent campaign against the "capitulation of liberal Democrats to the right, to a neoliberal economic system, and to complacency in the face of the climate emergency" keeps the left divided and the Tucker train on track through 2024 and a popular vote loss: in those eight long years Carlson reshapes American politics. The long-promised Democratic myth of a great demographic change ushers in a new party system as Missouri Governor Nicole Galloway sweeps to victory on the back of middle class white Americans in the North and on the West Coast, African Americans in Georgia and South Carolina, and Hispanics in Texas, New Mexico, and Arizona. The New GOP's domination of the Rust Belt and a surprise win in New Hampshire are the coup de grace of the Tucker Carlson project, but in an election characterised by an energised Democratic Party (at least at the Presidential level) this counts for little, even as the Republicans keep the Senate and House.

The America of the 2030s is now truly one of two nations. The nation of the "heartland" and that of the "melting pot": the traditional white working class allied with the financial backers of the GOP against the new captains of the tech industry allied with ethnic minorities. Despite the attempts of former Vice Presidential candidate Seth Moulton to take the Democratic nomination on a platform of appealing to the "Trumpist" core the Democrats and the Republicans are drifting further and further apart, completing the same realignment to a system characterised by an ultranationalist right wing populist party against a party of the liberal elite as seen in France and Britain. The 2032 election is set to be extremely competitive, and presumptive Republican nominee, Arkansas Senator Leslie Rutledge, is no doubt hoping that Mark Ruffalo will launch a third bid for the Presidency, or endorse someone else to do so in his place. Indeed, the Galloway administration has been widely criticised for what has been dubbed "pandering" to Senator Gabbard in order to prevent her from running.

As Americans gear up for yet another clash between two increasingly different and hostile peoples within one country, many look back fondly to the quaint days of Obama and Biden of great and principled Republican and Democratic statesmen and women like Ted Cruz and Hillary Clinton.
Prime Minister of the United Kingdom of Great Britain & Northern Ireland
1955-1957: Anthony Eden (Conservative)

1955: (Majority) def. Hugh Gaitskell (Labour), Jo Grimond (Liberal)
1957-1959: Bernard Montgomery, Viscount Montgomery of Alamein (Independent, then 'National' Conservative)
1958: (Majority) def. Hugh Gaitskell (Labour), Harold Macmillan ('Democratic' Conservative), Jo Grimond (Liberal)
1959-1965: Frederick Bennett (National Conservative)
Feb. 1963: (Minority) def. George Brown (Labour), Harold Macmillan (New Democratic Alliance - Democratic, Liberal)
May 1963: (Majority) def. George Brown* (Labour), Harold Macmillan (New Democratic Alliance - Democratic, Liberal)

1965-1968: George K. Young (National Conservative)
1968-1972: Patrick Gordon Walker (Labour)

1968: (Coalition with New Democrats) def. George K. Young (National Conservative), Anthony Greenwood ('Independent' Labour), Henry Brooke (New Democratic)
1972-1976: Peter Howard (National Conservative)
1972: (Majority) def. Henry Brooke (New Democratic), Anthony Greenwood (Independent Labour), Patrick Gordon Walker* (Labour)
1976-1981: Jeremy Thorpe (New Democratic)
1976: (Coalition with Social Democrats) def. Peter Howard (National Conservative), Bob Edwards (Independent Labour), Roy Jenkins (Social Democratic)
1981-1983: William McKelvey (Independent Labour)
1981: (Majority) def. Jeremy Thorpe (New Democratic), Margaret Thatcher (National Conservative), Colin Mitchell (National League), Roy Jenkins (Social Democratic)
1983-1986: Jeremy Thorpe (New Democratic)
1983: (Coalition with Social Democrats) def. William McKelvey (Independent Labour), Margaret Thatcher (National Conservative), Alan Clark (National League), Bill Rogers (Social Democratic)
1986-1993: Anthony Meyer (New Democratic)
1986: (Coalition with Social Democrats) def. William McKelvey (Independent Labour), Geoffrey Howe (National Conservative), Alan Clark (National League), Bill Rogers (Social Democratic)
1990: (Coalition with Social Democrats) def. John Moore (National Conservative), John Prescott (Independent Labour), Alan Clark (National League), Bill Rogers (Social Democratic)

1993-1994: Gillian Shephard (New Democratic-led coalition with Social Democrats)
1994-2002: John Moore (National Conservative)

1994: (Majority) def. Gillian Shephard (New Democratic), Michael Meacher (Independent Labour), Richard Body (National League)
1999: (Majority) def. Chris Patten (New Democratic), Michael Meacher (Independent Labour), Peter Hain (Social Democratic), Richard Body (National League)

2002-2011: Ann Widdecombe (National Conservative)
2003: (Majority) def. Chris Patten (New Democratic), Tony Banks (Independent Labour), Peter Hain (Social Democratic), Jeffrey Titford (National League)
2007: (Coalition with National League) def. David Willetts (New Democratic), Clare Short (Independent Labour), Peter Hain (Social Democratic),
Jeffrey Titford (National League)
2011-2014: David Willetts (New Democratic)

2011: (Coalition with Social Democrats) def. Ann Widdecombe (National Conservative), Clare Short (Independent Labour), Mark Oaten (Social Democratic), William Legge, Earl of Dartmouth (National League)
2014-2016: Jeremy Browne (New Democratic-led coalition with Social Democrats)
2016-Incumbent: George Galloway (Independent Labour)

2016: (Majority) def. Jeremy Browne (New Democratic), Gareth Bennett (National League), Robert Goodwill (National Conservative), Nicola Sturgeon (Social Democratic)

Suez was a turning point for British post-war politics. Whilst the intervention had initially proven popular, that support soon disappeared; guerrilla warfare was not something the British Army had trained to combat itself against and the ships returning home with the dead & maimed bodies of servicemen soon turned the tide for the British populace. Still committed to the righteousness of his cause, but facing opposition from all sides, including parts of his own cabinet, and health scares, Eden resigned as PM. However, rather than advise Her Majesty to send for his Chancellor and prospective successor Harold Macmillan, the outgoing prime minister instead advised to invite a man who could turn defeat into victory; the hero of El Alamein, Bernard Montgomery. Nominally outside of party politics and leading from the House of Lords no less, ‘Monty’ proved to be as decisive and divisive a national leader as he had a wartime commander. Suez was ultimately a gamble too far; more money was lost into the desert warfare, despite aid from their French and Israeli allies and after a year & a half, the intervention was deemed a ‘success’ by much of the press media when Nasser was toppled in a coalition-supported coup.

Returning to the polls, the Conservatives were divided over Suez and the increasingly rightward direction the government had undergone under Monty. Whilst it seemed that Labour could snatch a win, it too was facing its own battle for the ideological soul as the social democratic Gaitskellites duelled against the democratic socialist Bevanites. In the end, more Tories favoured the devil they knew in Monty than the maverick Macmillan. Although he would retire from office in little under a year after the 1957 general election, Bernard Montgomery has reinforced the strongly social conservative views he held upon the government and the country at-large. For almost ten years afterwards, the UK found itself under a deeply racist and insular government that would strongly crackdown on crime, social deviancy, whilst maintaining strong traditions of military & national pride. National Conservatism seemed to stay however the economy slowly began to falter; George Kennedy Young’s attempts to revitalise the economy by relaxing the strong statist system in place proved costly as unemployment skyrocketed. Rumours of a planned coup should Tony Greenwood’s Independent Labour Party take office were put to bed when a hung parliament would force the two remnants of the pre-Suez consensus to form a government together.

Patrick Gordon Walker would be the last Labour UK Prime Minister; the four-year Labour-NDP government would see a change in attitude to the white-minority regimes that had previously been supported by Westminster and increased social spending after years of cuts under the National Conservatives. Ultimately, it would not last; trade union reform was met with hostility from the TUC leadership and a series of strike would bring the economy from growth towards recession. The Nat Cons were back in power under Peter Howard, but with a different take than they previously had. Howard sought to bring a strong Christian message to his government in a move away from the nationalist paternalism of Monty, Bennett, and Young. Social spending was once again facing cuts, but tax incentives were now offered to businesses and companies to support their employees. Howard even sought to bring cooperation between the unions and businesses; his attempts at workplace democracy nearly succeeded only to be killed off thanks to a backbench rebellion that saw the attempt scrapped. With the unions reigniting their war against an uncooperative government, Howard fell as Walker had before him.

Jeremy Thorpe would come to symbolise the late 1970s and early 1980s to many; a time of social liberalism and economic reform for Great Britain. The Trade Union Reform Act would penalise smaller unions against striking, though benefit larger unions who could afford the industrial tribunal costs. The Race Relations Act 1977 and the Sexual Offences Act 1978 would respectively see the end of legal discrimination against non-white citizens and the decriminalisation of homosexuality. A cultural revolution may have been sweeping the country, but it was carefully guided by businesses and their allies in both the NDP and SDP. Whilst many were enjoying the social liberation, it was not reflected in the economy which still favoured the high-earners rather than those at the bottom. A series of financial scandals involving government officials would rock the political establishment and risk bringing the government down entirely. Whilst it would cost government ministers and even cabinet ministers, including the President of the Board of Trade, their jobs, the government stood until the end of its tenure. That frustration would be realised though. In a shock result, the left-wing Independent Labour Party managed to win the 1981 election with a working majority of six.

McKelvey and the ILP had one of the most radical election manifestos in modern British history; a major redistribution of wealth from the top to the bottom, an overhaul of the NHS and welfare state, denuclearisation, renegotiations over Britain’s place in NATO – all concern for the established order of politics. Of course, none of this would come to be. Within a year, McKelvey’s majority was lost thanks to terminal illness, fatal accidents, and resignations – every by-election would see narrow victories for the opposition parties and accusations of fraud. Nevertheless, when the vote of no-confidence came, the government fell, and new elections were held. Thorpe was propelled back into office and continued his work as before. Britain’s trajectory from a state of social conservatism and fiscal paternalism was transformed into one of liberalism and compassionate capitalism. The European Communities Act 1987 under Anthony Meyer saw the UK, alongside Ireland and much of Scandinavia, join the economic powerhouse of the European Community, allowing a flood of multinational companies and easing trade as tariffs borders were erased. But nothing lasts forever. The 1994 economic crash, brought about following the onset of violent & widespread insurrection in the United States, ended the economic good times. The Shephard government initially tried to pump money into the system, however the rise on taxes was not welcomed by the population and they made this known at that year’s election. After almost twenty years, the National Conservatives were back.

Led by the charismatic and telegenic John Moore, the National Conservatives began a swift and deep spending cuts alongside cutting taxes for individuals and businesses. Unemployment skyrocketed and the ILP were soon polling ahead of every party – a first since 1981. It wouldn’t last though; money began pouring in as companies sought to take advantage of the message that Britain was open for business and wasn’t asking many questions. Whilst the 1970s and 1980s were the age of social liberation, the 1990s were the time that taught many ‘Greed is good’. The Moore government did little to change the social policies of its predecessors; although there was no regression or repealing of social legislation, neither did the 1990s bring about the dream of small-government idealists. The country took a strong turn back to the era of Kennedy and Howard under Widdecombe though; education policy prohibited the teaching of homosexuality and LGBT rights were now curtailed. When the anti-immigrant National League joined the government, immigrants soon joined the list of victims facing legislative discrimination as there were even rumours of ‘voluntary repatriation’ (A previously longstanding but dropped League manifesto pledge). In the wake of such bad press, it was little surprise that Widdecombe would be voted out in 2011. The succeeding NDP-SDP governments were tepid in their economic reforms; although they did raise some taxes, the national (and world) economies were doing well and there seemed little need to change a system that was working well. Just in time for a fresh economic crash.

The 2012 banking crisis was global; no incumbent government was safe from its damages. The Moore consensus made many within the government anxious of undoing what had brought money to the UK only to see it potentially leave for friendlier states across Europe. Austerity was the new watchword and the government stood by it. Polling showed their popularity fall, only to dive deeper as personal scandal after personal scandal broke regarding not only cabinet & government ministers but also SDP leader Mark Oaten over his use of male prostitutes in office. So great was the scandal it even cost the prime minister; David Willets’ resignation speech was met with derision by satirists as he sought to blame no-one for the faults of his cabinet but neither take responsibility either. Whilst their respective successors did repair some of the damage done, it wouldn’t be enough to save any of them. By 2016, the economy was still weak, unemployment remained high, the population was angry at the seeming disconnect between the government and the population. In this time, they turned to the parties that capitalised on their frustration and desire to see change, in whatever form that took. This would not be the National Conservatives, who seemed to be treading water rather than promoting anything, but the National League and the Independent Labour Party. Over thirty years since William McKelvey had been elected as prime minister, his protégé George Galloway took office with a far safer majority in Westminster. The UK wanted change and it would get it.
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Heir to the Halibut Millions
Published by SLP
The Great White North(s)

1935-1948: Rickard Sandler (Social Democratic)
1948-1957: Per Edvin Sköld (Social Democratic)
1957-1963: Bertil Ohlin (Citizens')
1963-1968: Dag Hammarskjöld (Social Democratic)
1968-1979: Olof Palme (Social Democratic)
1979-1980: Ola Ullsten (Citizens')
1980-1984: Olof Palme (Social Democratic)
1984: Ingvar Carlsson (Social Democratic)
1984-1993: Bengt Westerberg (Citizens')
1993: Britt Mogård (Citizens')
1993-2003: Kjell-Olof Feldt (Social Democratic)
2003-2006: Erik Åsbrink (Social Democratic)
2006-2015: Sven-Otto Littorin (United)
2015-: Mårten Palme (Social Democratic)

1932-1946: William Lyon Mackenzie King (Liberal)
1946-1969: Jean Lesage (Liberal)
1969-1976: Pierre Trudeau (Liberal)
1976-1979: Réal Caouette (Social Credit)
1979: Joe Clark (Progressive)
1979-1982: Réal Caouette (Social Credit)
1982-1986: Pierre Trudeau (Liberal)
1986-1991: Allan MacEachen (Liberal)
1991-1994: Perrin Beatty (National Unionist)
1994-1996: Allan MacEachen (Liberal)
1996-2006: Jean Chrétien (Liberal)
2006-2014: Bernard Lord (National Unionist)
2014-: Ken Georgetti (Liberal)

Tsar of New Zealand

A deafening, painful, shameful roar
New Zealand
Caygill Exercises or: If Roger Douglas Had Resigned

Governors of the Reserve Bank of New Zealand
1982 - 1984: Dick Wilks (Keynesian) [1]
1984 - 1988: Graham Scott (Caygillite) [2]
1988 - 1993: Donald Brash (Austrian) [3]
1993 - 2003: Alan Bollard (Orthodox) [4]
2003 - 2008: Mark Prebble (Orthodox)
2008 - 2011: Roger Kerr (Caygillite) [5]
2011 - 2018: John Key (Caygillite/Orthodox) [6]
2018 - 0000: Gareth Morgan (Keynesian/???) [7]

[1] Wilks was the last of the Muldoon-era Governors, and his tenure covered events including the wage-and-price freeze, the Closer Economic Relationship with Australia, and the Opposition's shift to a radical free-market policy under Finance spokesman David Caygill.

[2] Appointed shortly after Labour's landslide victory, Scott was everything the new Government aimed to be: fresh, enthusiastic, inexperienced, and committed to far-reaching reforms. Economic and monetary policy was turned on its head overnight, and Scott backed it all the way.

Then the '87 crash happened, and a resignation seemed like a good career move.

[3] Enter Donald Brash, whose solution to the problem was always, always, 'more market'. The RBNZ Act sanctified this gospel; the Reserve Bank was no longer concerned with ridiculous socialist policies like 'full employment', and the Governor would now concern himself with inflation over his statutory five-year term.

But New Zealanders' excitement at change had congealed into worry, as people had discovered that you could lose money on the stock market as well as make it. The change in government did little to reassure them, and indeed the continuing pain led to the hung Parliament of '93 which brought Winston Peters back into power as part of the fragile National-'led' coalition. In this brave new world a radical Reserve Bank simply would not do. The Treasurer leaned on the Board, a more suitable candidate was found, and Brash was 'encouraged' into a position with the High Commission, London.

[4] Bollard was a safe pair of hands who saw RBNZ through a period of tranquillity at the eye of a political storm. Thanks to a series of by-elections, defections, and jostling for position in the run-up to the first MMP election, New Zealand saw five governments in three years and an Asian financial crisis shortly after.

Amidst this chaos, a steady hand on the Official Cash Rate was welcomed by the business community, and the various National and Labour Governments applauded Wheeler's stewardship. By 2003 the post-Caygill order had crystallised, and the torch passed to an heir who would carry the light of neoliberalism forward.

[5] Kerr's appointment as Governor was a steady-as-she-goes affair, reflecting an incrementalist libertarian shade of opinion in the finance community owing to the rosy economic outlook of the 2000s. While not Brash by any stretch, Kerr's responses to the housing market crash were a good deal more liberal than even the PM had in mind, and would frustrate the policies of the incoming Seventh Labour Government until he resigned from illness partway into his term.

[6] Kerr's deputy was another orthodox follower of the Caygillite consensus, who helped to ensure that the new National Government's more hands-off approach to the Christchurch rebuild would be complemented by cheap borrowing to encourage property development, both in Christchurch and the swelling Auckland metropolis.

Then the ANZ thing blew up across the Tasman, and people started asking questions. Somebody did some digging, and found out about the Lehman Brothers thing, which led to the Bear Sterns thing, which led back to the Merrill Lynch thing, and after that hit the media, well, it all got pretty messy pretty fast.

The new Minister of Finance was rather insistent that the Reserve Bank do more than put the Governor on gardening leave, before the matter reached the courts.

[7] And so, after much horse-trading, soul-searching, and deal-making, the Board found a man from the outside. A maverick, certainly, but one who had managed NZ Super very well indeed. Morgan is still a bit of an unknown quantity, but he has endeared himself to the new Government with his frank personality and general alignment with their direction. Although his age means he will only get one term, Morgan is determined to take this chance to make his mark.

A not-so-non-partisan interim Governor, at a time when the most left-wing Labour government in forty years is trying to relay the foundations of the New Zealand economy? What could possibly go wrong?

And there it is; the driest list ever.
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