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Lists of Heads of Government and Heads of State

Because Joe Biden brought it up.

Looping into the philosophical discussion above, have tried to segregate the Senate positions under their own clearly signposted subsection.

Electoral history of James Strom Thurmond

1929 - 1933: Appointed Superintendent of Education for Edgefield County, South Carolina
1930 - 1938: Appointed Town and County Attorney for Edgefield County
1933 - 1938: Member of the South Carolina Senate for Edgefield County (Democratic)
1938 - 1942: Judge on the South Carolina Circuit Court for the Eleventh Circuit
1938: (unopposed)
1942: Resigned

1942 - 1946: United States Army, European Theatre of Operations
Awarded Legion of Merit (oak leaf cluster), Bronze Star (valour device), Purple Heart, WWII Victory Medal, European-African-Middle Eastern Campaign Medal, Order of the Crown (Belg.), Croix de Guerre (Fr.)

1946: Selected as Democratic candidate for Governor of South Carolina
1946 primary: def. James C. McLeod, Ransome Judson Williams, John C. Taylor, Dell O'Neall, John D. Long, scattered others
1946 - 1950: Governor of South Carolina (Democratic)
1946: (unopposed)
1948: States' Rights Democratic (Dixiecrat) candidate for President of the United States
1948: Harry S. Truman (Democratic [49.6%, 303 EV, 28 states]) def. Thomas Dewey (Republican [45.1%, 189 EV, 16 states]), Strom Thurmond (Dixiecrat, 2.4%, 39 EV, 4 states), Henry A. Wallace (Progressive [2.4%])
1950: Candidate for selection as the Democratic candidate for the United States Senate election in South Carolina (Class III)
1950 primary Olin D. Johnston def. Strom Thurmond
1954 - 1964: Democratic Senator for South Carolina (Class I)
1954: (as write-in candidate under Independent Democratic) def. Edgar A. Brown (Democratic), Marcus Stone (Independent Democratic)
1956 special election: (unopposed)
1960: (unopposed)

1960: Independent candidate for Vice-President of the United States of America (chosen by faithless electors)
1960: Lyndon B. Johnson (Democratic [49.72%, 303 EV, 22 states]) def. Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr. (Republican [49.55%, 219 EV, 26 states]), J. Strom Thurmond (Independent - Democratic faithless electors [0.42%, 14 EV, 2 states]), Barry Goldwater (Independent - Republican faithless elector [0%, 1 EV (Oklahoma)])
1964 - 2003: Republican Senator for South Carolina (Class I)
1966: def. Bradley Morrah (Democratic)
1972: def. Eugene N. Ziegler (Democratic)
1978: def. Charles Ravenel (Democratic)
1984: def. Melvin Purvis (Democratic), Stephen Davis (Libertarian)
1990: def. Bob Cunningham (Democratic), William H. Griffin (Libertarian), Marion C. Metts (American)
1996: def. Elliott Springs Close (Democratic), Richard T. Quillian (Libertarian), Peter J. Ashy (Reform), Annette C. Estes (Natural Law)


As United States Senator for South Carolina:
1981 - 1987: President pro tempore of the United States Senate (Republican)
1981: def. John C. Stennis (Democratic)
1983: def. John C. Stennis (Democratic)
1985: def. John C. Stennis (Democratic)

1981 - 1987: Chair of the United States Senate Committee on the Judiciary (Republican)
1995 - 2001: President pro tempore of the United States Senate (Republican)
1995: def. Robert Byrd (Democratic)
1997: def. Robert Byrd (Democratic)
1999: def. Robert Byrd (Democratic)

1995 - 1999: Chair of the United States Senate Committee on Armed Forces (Republican)
2001: President pro tempore of the United States Senate (Republican)
2001: def. Robert Byrd (Democratic)
2001 - 2003: President pro tempore emeritus of the United States Senate (Republican)
2001: (unopposed)

Very good work. Only thing that's (arguably) missing is that Strom Thurmond was one of South Carolina's delegates to the 1932 Democratic National Convention. He actually supported FDR for the nomination.
 
I actually have a prompt, because thanks to Mitro's Alternate History Weekly Update, I'm thinking about it again - one of the most pat USA PODs out there, that I think has lots of potential to Get Weird Fast, but usually all we see is either 'Tripartite Politics For No Reason' or 'Its A New Two Party System' and in both cases things turn out only cosmetically different to OTL. So I'd be interested in seeing Bespoke, Well-Crafted Takes on the following;

Bull Moose: Teddy Roosevelt Wins In 1912
This is a good prompt.
 
List of Third-Party MPs in the Parliament of New Zealand (1946-2006)
1966-1969: Vernon Cracknell (Social Credit, Hobson) [1]
1975-1978: Dove-Myer Robinson (Values then Independent then Social Democrat, Auckland Central) [2]
1977-1978: John O'Brien (Social Credit, Pahiatua) [3]
1978-1984: Bruce Beetham (Social Democrat, Rangitikei) [4]
1978-1978: Gavin Downie (Independent then Social Democrat, Pakuranga) [5]
1978-1978: Gerald O'Brien (Independent then Social Democrat, Island Bay) [6]
1979-1980: Matiu Rata (Independent, Northern Maori) [7]
1981-1984: Les Hunter (Social Democrat, Bay of Islands) [8]

[1] - Vern Cracknell was a stolid rural accountant from the Far North, who was assiduously cultivated by the Social Credit Political League on account of his profile as a member of the local Harbour Board. When the siting of a new port became a salient issue, decades of Socred electioneering paid dividends (as it were) in the form of the party's first seat. However, Cracknell was at heart a polite and gentlemanly sort, and spoke very rarely in the House (he surrendered the right to speak first in a Budget debate, only to draw the Finance Minister aside in the voting lobby to inform him courteously that it didn't actually balance), thus guaranteeing his sharpish defeat and the death spiral of Social Credit.

[2] - Social Credit having suffered a damaging split after the end of the Cracknell era, the new third party in town, Values, swept all before it. A liberal environmentalist party of the protest generation, Values scored a coup in recruiting the septuagenarian Mayor of Auckland to stand in the Auckland Central electorate in both 1972 and 1975. This caused much internal dissension in the Party, as Robbie's record of innovative sewage treatment policies was counterbalanced by his failure to deliver rapid rail transit as Mayor and his befuddled attitude towards the alternative lifestyles led by Values members - many of whom were antipathetic even to the concept of partisan politics. The anti-party clique combined with frustrated aspirant politicians (including Tim Shadbolt, who had broken with Robinson when the latter failed to sufficiently advocate for Shadbolt's run for Mayor in the by-election) to expel the old man, who went on to join the SDP after the Rangitikei by-election. Although Green politics can be said to have started in New Zealand, the internecine disputes and fiascos of the 70s fatally wounded political environmentalism for decades.

[3] - John O'Brien was a fiery young orator from the Manawatu who putsched Social Credit's rural conservative wing in the aftermath of Cracknell's parliamentary defeat and launched an attention-seeking recovery with the support of traditional Douglasite Social Crediters and young careerist recruits of the late 60s. His early leadership was basically just an unstoppable ejaculation of random policies - from the creation of telephone line where young people could talk directly to MPs, to critical support for Rhodesia and a programme of macadamia nut cultivation. A dispute over the Christchurch Division's lucrative but insufficiently tax-paying-y Bingo nights caused a major split in the Socred ranks, with the young guns combining with the pro-Bingo faction to form the new Social Democratic Party, led by Bruce Beetham. This split became known in political folklore the 'Danny La Rue Schism' because it occurred in '72.

O'Brien's continuing Social Credit Political League returned to monetary reformist orthodoxy, but did poorly in the next couple of elections despite outpolling the SDP (largely thanks to the relative charisma levels of the leaders). Things briefly picked up in 1977, when Keith Holyoake was made Governor-General in a blatantly political appointment, and O'Brien spouted forth about how he'd been vindicated in his anti-political tirades about cronyism and corruption by the Money Power. This won him the by-election to replace Holyoake as MP for Pahiatua (just over the ridge from his own stomping ground) but aside from these special circumstances, the mood of the nation quickly solidified behind the proposition that the only populist blowhard the people could bear was Robert Muldoon.

[4] - The contrast between O'Brien and Beetham, who entered Parliament in by-elections just ten months apart, was stark. Beetham's cool air of vague, bourgeois sensibleness contrasted with the twattery of O'Brien and the dickery of Muldoon, while also being more appealing than the dull, dufferish image of Labour leader Bill Rowling - who had in any case had to act as the local scapegoat for the 1973 oil shock, however unreasonably. Bruce Beetham, therefore, was a real breath of fresh air when he won his by-election in Rangitikei and joined Dove-Myer Robinson on the Social Democratic crossbench. The SDP had essentially brushed aside its Social Credit policy heritage and instead sought to attract former Values and Labour voters by copying their manifestos verbatim in a mercenary hunt for votes. As a short-term strategy, it worked. The Social Democrats quickly gained renown as a party of travelling salesmen driving Skodas and wearing crimplene suits: the ascendant lower-middle class of the late 70s.

[5] - A further recruit to the SDP was Gavin Downie, a National MP from the comfortable eastern suburbs of Auckland where the Skoda brigade were to be found in hordes. As a keen performer in Gilbert and Sullivan shows and a budding practitioner of homeopathy, it was perhaps inevitable that Downie would be deselected at some point by staid suburban National. As this occurred shortly after the SDP's Beetham-related boost in the polls, he joined up in the hope of saving his seat. This was an ultimately forlorn hope, although he came a consistent second in several subsequent elections as his successor was, if anything, even worse.

[6] - Along with Robinson, Beetham and Downie, the fourth member of the SDP's 1978 caucus was former Labour MP Gerald O'Brien, who had been accused of passing documents to Soviet spies (nothing has ever been proved), trying to seduce young men (likewise), and being part of a secret conspiracy which persuaded Norman Kirk to implement Social Credit (true, but Kirk died before he could do anything about it). It was for the second offence, however, that he was deselected by his Wellington-based Labour Party. Although courted by John O'Brien, Gerald seems to have thought that a caucus of two O'Briens would be too confusing and instead pinned his colours to the rising mast of the SDP. As expected, though, he lost his seat at the general election, leaving Beetham alone in the House. The SDP had spread themselves too thinly in their attempt not only to save their four incumbents but also service the self-promoting campaigns of Beetham's careerist friends.

[7] - Beetham sat alone between the National and Labour behemoths for a while, but in 1979, former Maori Affairs Minister Mat Rata resigned from the Labour Party on account of its failure to address the demands of newly prominent Maori radicals. Rata sportingly volunteered to second Beetham's motions during his brief Independent career (which allowed the Equal Primogeniture Bill to reach its first and only reading), but he resigned his seat to recontest it for his new party, Mana Motuhake. This action not only lost him his seat (although MM continued to come second in all the Maori electorates until the late 90s) but also put off a couple of further potential defectors to the SDP, who worried that they might be beholden to the Rata Precendent of resigning to recontest.

[8] - The SDP continued to be the default third party of Pakeha New Zealand into the 1980s, but its liberal, centrist electoral niche became increasingly under threat from the left. In 1980, Bill Rowling lost the Labour leadership by a single vote and was succeeded by the charismatic David Lange, who was allied to the new generation of socially liberal Labour MPs who didn't give a damn about Keynesianism. Bored of Muldoon's antics, the populace replaced them with those of Lange in 1981, and he and Finance Minister Douglas went on to slavishly follow the Hawke-Keating playbook in their liberalisation of society and the economy.

However, 1981 also saw the SDP win a brace of seats on a much smaller national vote, due to cannier targeting strategies. Winning the successor seat to Vernon Cracknell's Hobson electorate, ex-Social Crediter Les Hunter joined Beetham in Parliament. Hunter had always been the brains of the SDP operation, having written the book '... And Now Social Democracy' upon whose policy proposals the party had been established. However, Hunter's brains were never as extensive as they were thought to be, and he was essentially just a nerd. This manifested itself shortly after Hunter was elected to Parliament, when he wrote another, much denser book in which he introduced a new monetary policy doctrine called 'X + Y'. Most SDP supporters and members were baffled by it, and most monetary reform experts could see that it was literally just exactly the same as the old Social Credit doctrine of 'A + B', but with different letters. Hunter and, by extension, the Social Democrats became a laughing stock, causing the final demise of the Party at the 1984 election.

After a period of waka-jumping and insurgent third-party action, the New Zealand political scene contracted down to just the two main parties, all other options having been defeated or discredited. Not until the 21st century would hope for a multi-party Aotearoa be somewhat rekindled.
 
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One Day in Santiago

Following a bitter, rancorous campaign with underhand tactics from both sides, and well funded interventions by vested American and Soviet interests, Chile's new president was confimed following a tense vote of the National Congress, Independent candidate, former President Jorge Alessandri Rodríguez was confirmed as President defeating the Marxist Popular Unity Candidate Salvador Allende. The close result came due to the Christian Democrat vote splitting with a slim majority in favour of Alessandri, who took power as the candidate of the right. His "democratic" victory led many within the Washington establishment to wonder whether this marked a shift from supporting out and out miitary governments to simply enabling constitutional democrats with the correct views to come to power and align properly with Washington.

Jorge Alessandri (Independent)-1970-1976

Alessandri initially appeared reluctant to change much from the course of his more radical predecessor Eduardo Frei: despite threats, the partial nationalisation of the copper industry (the government holding a 51% stake in the industry) was allowed to stand. Nevertheless changes were enacted: General René Schneider was deposed as Commander-in-Chief of the Chilean Army by the rightist Camilo Valenzuela, while education reforms were disregarded. Alessandri's economic policies were in contrast to his previous administration: land reform was abandoned, and his government shifted to a monetarist approach, in stark contrast to the state interventionism of the previous decades: price controls were abandoned and imports were lberalised, causing severe initial fluctuations in the economy, with prices rising several times faster than the national wage. By 1973, the situation had appeared to stablise, but the sluggish growth, despite increases in exports and a depression caused by a slump in international copper prices, brought popular anger. During what became known as the Summer of Lead, trade unions supported by Salvador Allende's Socialists, the Communists and the broader Popular Unity alliance launched several strikes, which were met with violence by the police and army. The violence, which in one notable incident saw twenty-four strikers killed by the army in the port city of Concepción, saw widespread international condemnation (though notably not from the Nixon administration.)

Alessandri's government would, despite intense pressure, hold firm and survived the discontent by reintroducing limited reforms. Nevertheless, the widespread violence saw the government change economic course: capital controls were maintained, and the central bank was granted greater control of the economy. A revival in the global copper market allowed for an increase in exports, and interest rates were raised to bring the increasing inflation under control. Nevertheless, despite the mild economic recovery, Alessandri remained unpopular and was largely saved in congress by the collapse of relations between the Socialist and Communist wings of the leftist opposition.

The 1976 election would test whether Chile was ready for another radical shift.
 
If we can do OTL long-lived US presidents or candidates without term limits, Herbert Hoover springs to mind - along with Charles Evans Hughes, William Jennings Bryan, etc. And then there's Harold Stassen...

1913-1920: Woodrow Wilson (Democratic)
1912 (with Thomas R. Marshall) def. Theodore Roosevelt (Progressive), William Howard Taft (Republican)
1916 (with Thomas R. Marshall) def. Elihu Root (Republican), Theodore Roosevelt (Progressive)

1920-1921: Thomas R. Marshall (Democratic)
1921-1929: William G. McAdoo (Democratic)
1920 (with Francis Burton Harrison) def. Frank Orren Lowden (Republican), Hiram Johnson (Progressive)
1924 (with Francis Burton Harrison) def. Robert M. La Follette Sr. (Progressive), Calvin Coolidge (Republican)

1929-1933: Francis Burton Harrison (Democratic)
1928 (with Breckinridge Long) def. Burton K. Wheeler (Progressive), James E. Watson (Republican)
1933-1964: Herbert Hoover (Republican)
1932 (with Arthur M. Hyde, cross-endorsed by 'Mainstream' Progressives) def. Francis Burton Harrison (Democratic), Jacob Coxey ('Independent' Progressive)
1936 (with Arthur M. Hyde) def. Henry Skillman Breckinridge (Democratic), Huey P. Long (Union)
1940 (with Wendell Willkie) def. Huey P. Long (Democratic), Norman Thomas (Socialist)
1944 (with James F. Bynes, as Victory Coupon) def. John R. Brinkley (National Front)
1948 (with Tom Dewey) def. James F. Byrnes (Democratic)
1952 (with Tom Dewey) def. Estes Kefauver (Democratic)
1956 (with Tom Dewey) def. Happy Chandler (Democratic)
1960 (with Joe P. Kennedy Jr.) def. George Smathers (Democratic)

1964-1965: Joe P. Kennedy Jr. (Republican)
 
One Day in Santiago

Following a bitter, rancorous campaign with underhand tactics from both sides, and well funded interventions by vested American and Soviet interests, Chile's new president was confimed following a tense vote of the National Congress, Independent candidate, former President Jorge Alessandri Rodríguez was confirmed as President defeating the Marxist Popular Unity Candidate Salvador Allende. The close result came due to the Christian Democrat vote splitting with a slim majority in favour of Alessandri, who took power as the candidate of the right. His "democratic" victory led many within the Washington establishment to wonder whether this marked a shift from supporting out and out miitary governments to simply enabling constitutional democrats with the correct views to come to power and align properly with Washington.

Jorge Alessandri (Independent)-1970-1976

Alessandri initially appeared reluctant to change much from the course of his more radical predecessor Eduardo Frei: despite threats, the partial nationalisation of the copper industry (the government holding a 51% stake in the industry) was allowed to stand. Nevertheless changes were enacted: General René Schneider was deposed as Commander-in-Chief of the Chilean Army by the rightist Camilo Valenzuela, while education reforms were disregarded. Alessandri's economic policies were in contrast to his previous administration: land reform was abandoned, and his government shifted to a monetarist approach, in stark contrast to the state interventionism of the previous decades: price controls were abandoned and imports were lberalised, causing severe initial fluctuations in the economy, with prices rising several times faster than the national wage. By 1973, the situation had appeared to stablise, but the sluggish growth, despite increases in exports and a depression caused by a slump in international copper prices, brought popular anger. During what became known as the Summer of Lead, trade unions supported by Salvador Allende's Socialists, the Communists and the broader Popular Unity alliance launched several strikes, which were met with violence by the police and army. The violence, which in one notable incident saw twenty-four strikers killed by the army in the port city of Concepción, saw widespread international condemnation (though notably not from the Nixon administration.)

Alessandri's government would, despite intense pressure, hold firm and survived the discontent by reintroducing limited reforms. Nevertheless, the widespread violence saw the government change economic course: capital controls were maintained, and the central bank was granted greater control of the economy. A revival in the global copper market allowed for an increase in exports, and interest rates were raised to bring the increasing inflation under control. Nevertheless, despite the mild economic recovery, Alessandri remained unpopular and was largely saved in congress by the collapse of relations between the Socialist and Communist wings of the leftist opposition.

The 1976 election would test whether Chile was ready for another radical shift.
Might turn this into a small thing idk
 
Might turn this into a small thing idk
Go for it.

Is it gonna involve a civil war between the army and the socialists forces or a war with Argentina? Or is it gonna be about various politicians trying desperately to keep the peace and make democracy survive someway,with the constant feeling of extremists taking over being present but never materializing til present day?
 
Go for it.

Is it gonna involve a civil war between the army and the socialists forces or a war with Argentina? Or is it gonna be about various politicians trying desperately to keep the peace and make democracy survive someway,with the constant feeling of extremists taking over being present but never materializing til present day?
I'll be honest mate I'm not gonna develop it that much

Thought experiment,
 
Bull Moose: Teddy Roosevelt Wins In 1912
Should the takes mention the world outside of the U.S political system and how an earlier entry into the war might see it end in 1917,with the monarchy still having a chance of survival in Germany and Lenin not being able to succeed with the October Revolution,meaning that there is a possibility for a surviving Russian Republic? Or is that considered too predictable?

Well, that gets me thinking:

- Roosevelt gets involved in the war in 1914, using the US Navy and 'soft' power to help Britain isolate and impoverish Germany and the Austro-Hungarian Empire; the Ottomans stay out. Germany sues for peace, bellowing LOOK HOW WE HELD OFF THREE SUPERPOWERS, and the war ends in November to be continued by the Russo-Austro-Hungarian War/the Third Balkan War.


The Roosevelt Peace and Russia


1868 - 1917: Nicholas II

1917 - 1922: Olga I

1922 - 1930: Alexei II

1928 - 1932: Alexander Kolchak

1931 - 1968: Olga I


Russia beat the Austro-Hungarian Empire by 1916 and was finally ready to divvy up the spoils, except it was in hoc, dared not piss off the Germans, and the League of Peace in Geneva (one of Roosevelt's big ideas for international diplomacy) is pushing for 'mandates' that will 'become independent' and lots of talks. Nicholas II has to go with this. After two years of war, after previous crises and chaos, this goes down like cold sick and there's only no revolution because there's too many groups that don't agree. Nicholas hopes to crush this, to get the Polish and Croatian mandates fixed, to reform the empire, to get everyone to properly acknowledge Russia as a proper European power--

He doesn't manage it and is either shot by a communist, shot by someone in government, or shot himself in depression, depending on which theory you subscribe to.

The upshot is the very young, very moody, and very innocent (until she'd volunteered as a nurse and seen far too many gaping wounds) Olga becomes an extremely young tsarina until the tsarevich can come of age. (Some wonder, maybe a more experience male relative should be doing the regency? No??) There's a series of stage-managed tours at home and abroad, lots of photos of Olga with the fancy new industrialisation that's going on and photos with the mandate governments - court rumours, the foreign press, and these days most historians agree that Olga, in a deeply depressive state, was just doing what the Duma ordered until Alexei was of age, Alexei being educated byyy...

Olga's big personal achievement, one that earned her a lot of love in Russia, was a domestic equivalent of the national insurance healthcare & pension system invented by Bismark and, at the time, being rolled out in Britain.

The Russian Regency (or just "regency" if you are Russian) is a time of major industrial reforms, minor social reforms, the driving underground of communists (THEY SHOT THE TSAR YOU KNOW), and the slow introduction of new 'decadence' from America and Berlin. In foreign policy, Olga's government broke centuries of tradition with an alliance with the reforming Ottomans: a lot of Russian trade went through their waters, they had a mutual interest in a united front against bigger western powers, they could keep Austria and the more troublesome Balkan states down. Russia gives them a hand in keeping the Armenian Mandate going, the way of dealing with the 'Armenian Question', and in exchange, when zionists talk Instanbul into giving them a Jewish homeland, Russia deals with the 'Jewish question' (i.e. both states deport a lot of people. Not many Jewish fans of Olga and the Russian Regency)

Alexei II is far more personable than his older sister and a bright young man burning with energy, but also lazy and simple enough that he's easy to manipulate. Which is a problem, because there's a lot of political elites in Russia who can get his ear and whoever spoke last will likely find their comment becoming The Tsar's Will. The Alexei era is marked with bizarre about-faces and chaos at home for years, giving any politician or officer remote from Moscow a lot of autonomy. St Petersburg becomes, to the shame of church-goers, one of the 'young set' party cities of the continent, with the flappers and jazz fans and (relatively) open homosexuals coming down. In an official visit to the city, Alexei actually visits the night clubs - he is, after all, a young man and he heard there's Deviant Sexual Deviancy there - and now they're stuck.

Meanwhile, Olga's children are being very highly educated because if Alexei II can't produce healthy heirs, well, Russia needs a backup.

The autonomy abroad comes back to bite Russia on the arse in 1927, when the navy gets into the Kuril Island Crisis with Imperial Japan. The League of Peace calms things down but it's embarrassing. Obviously, things need to be tightened up. Everyone in authority agrees this.

They also all disagree on who should be on top after, and by early 1928 the political fighting has led to a breakdown of government and now actual fighting. Don't worry, Alexei II, Tsar of All the Russias, the navy and its Ottoman chums have come to secure you! And settle a few scores with certain people who clipped their wings after Kuril. And help keep some of Russia's problematic minorities in their place.

Alexei II is still the official tsar for the next two years, at which point he died of health complications, but those years are popularly seen as the first two of Alexander Kolchak's reign. He brought further industrialisation, sweeping reforms of the governing systems, and a return to political and social repressions. As long as he controlled Alexei, things were going his way. Once he had to be publicly in charge as 'regent', well, the Polish and Croatian Mandate nationalists quickly yelled that this government seemed of questionable legitimacy and so wasn't the Russian government meant to be mandating them. They hoped the League of Peace would force Kolchak to let them become independent.

The League pushed and Kolchak said no. After weeks of pushing, both he and the Ottoman Empire - themselves fed up of the League - walked out of Geneva and dared it to do anything. And 'Roosevelt's Peace', as high-minded westerns called it, shattered: the powers of Europe didn't fancy risking trade or, heaven forbid, war over Poland and Croatia. (Especially not with the oil the Eastern powers were exporting!) America, still driven by Rooseveltism, is unwilling to see their global organisation fall apart and pushes hard, bringing in Japan as an ally (despite years of rivalry).

Kolchak mobilises for war and gets it: the rest of the world gets it too, as the disruption to the trade for four great powers causes global depression and shortages. Russia in particular suffers and as it gets weaker, its mandates rise up in violent rebellion. Various figures in Russian society, calling themselves the Whites, secure an agreement from European powers that they'll get lots of nice loans and diplomatic support if they put Olga I back in power - which they half do, because Kolchak continues to claim sovereignty and wage civil war from first Novrogood, then Siberia. In the end, he falls because Olga's government has support and his does not.

The Roosevelt Peace ends with Russia lurching back to its 1920s heyday, poorer and weaker and with thousands dead; still, America was more humiliated and the government can claim 'nuh oh it was KOLCHAK wot lost', which is handy. Olga settles in as constitutional monarch.

(After her death, the country - as agreed by later governments - becomes a republic)
 
2017-2021: Donald Trump (Republican)
2016 (with Mike Pence) def. Hillary Clinton (Democratic)
2021-2023: Joe Biden (Democratic)
2020 (with Beto O'Rourke) def. Donald Trump (Republican), Bill Weld (Libertarian / American Conservative Movement)
2023-2025: Beto O'Rourke (Democratic)
2025-2029: Justin Amash (Republican)
2024 (with Meg Whitman) def. Beto O'Rourke (Democratic), Steve Bannon (America First), Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (Democratic Socialist)
2029-2037: Tulsi Gabbard (Democratic / National Union)
2028 (with Pete Buttigieg) def. Colby Covington (America First), Justin Amash (Republican)
2032 (with Ana Navarro) def. Colby Covington (America First) as Leader of the American National Republic

2037-2045: Ana Navarro (National Union)
2036 (with Beto O'Rourke) def. Colby Covington (America First) as Leader of the American National Republic, Lee Carter (Independent)
2040 (with Beto O'Rourke) def. Lee Carter (New Democratic Movement)

2045-2049: Beto O'Rourke (National Union)
2044 (with Omar Dienes) def. effectively unopposed
2049-2057: Omar Dienes (National Union)
2048 (with Enolo Meru) def. effectively unopposed
2052 (with Enolo Meru) def. effectively unopposed


blame @Japhy

The idea here is based on Beto's proposed 'war tax' and then Japhy comparing it to Service Equals Citizenship from Starship Troopers. The last few people are essentially portmanteaus of named Sky Marshals from adaptations of Starship Troopers.
 
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"The Strange Immortality of Liberal England"

Spencer Cavendish, Marquess of Hartington (Liberal majority, then minority) 1880-1888
1880 [maj, 351]: def. Benjamin Disraeli, 1st Earl of Beaconsfield (Conservative) [236], William Shaw (Home Rule) [63]
1885 [maj, 347]: def. Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, 3rd Marquess of Salisbury (Conservative) [233], Charles Stewart Parnell (Irish Parliamentary) [86]
1888 [min, 311]: def. Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, 3rd Marquess of Salisbury (Conservative) [247], Charles Stewart Parnell (Irish Parliamentary) [84]

William Harcourt (Liberal minority with support of Irish Parliamentary, then majority) 1888-1895
1888 Lib.: ("Neutralist") def. Spencer Cavendish, Marquess of Hartington ("Unionist") and John Morley ("Home Rule")
1891 [maj, 347]: def. Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, 3rd Marquess of Salisbury (Conservative) [201], Charles Stewart Parnell (Irish Parliamentary) [58], Henry Hyndman (Social Democratic) [1]

Archibald Primrose, 5th Earl of Rosebery (Liberal majority) 1895-1896
1895 Lib.: ("Imperialist") def. William Harcourt ("Neutralist") and John Morley ("Anti-Imperialist")

Joseph Chamberlain (Liberal majority, then minority) 1896-1901
1896 Lib.: ("Radical") def. Archibald Primrose, 5th Earl of Rosebery ("Imperialist")
1897 [min, 297]: def. Michael Hicks Beach (Conservative) [259], Charles Stewart Parnell (Irish Parliamentary) [61]

Michael Hicks Beach (Conservative minority with support of "Anti-Home Rule" Liberals, then majority) 1901-1910
1901 [coal, 281]: def. Joseph Chamberlain (Liberal [Home Rule All Round]) [145], no clear leader (Liberal [Anti-Home Rule]) [103], Charles Stewart Parnell (Irish Parliamentary) [85], Keir Hardie (Independent Labour) [4]
1905 [maj, 334]: def. Joseph Chamberlain (Liberal [Radical Coupon]) [121], Charles Stewart Parnell (Irish Parliamentary) [79], Archibald Primrose, 5th Earl of Rosebery (Liberal [Anti-Radical]) [78], Keir Hardie (Independent Labour) [7]

Joseph Chamberlain (Liberal majority) 1910-1914*
1910 [maj, 378]: def. Michael Hicks Beach (Conservative) [201], John Redmond (Irish Parliamentary) [38], Keir Hardie (Independent Labour) [11]

David Lloyd George (Liberal majority, then Wartime Coalition) 1914-1919
1914 Lib.: ("Radical") def. Henry Petty-Fitzmaurice, 5th Marquess of Landsowne ("Anti-Radical")

Victor Cavendish, 9th Duke of Devonshire (Liberal majority) 1919
Feb 1919 Lib.: ("National") def. David Lloyd George ("Radical")

William Joynson-Hicks (Conservative majority) 1919-1927
1919 [maj, 355]: def. Victor Cavendish, 9th Duke of Devonshire (Liberal) [191], Joseph Devlin (Irish Parliamentary) [41], John Clynes (Independent Labour) [31], Arthur Griffith (Sinn Fein) [11]
Aug 1919 Lib.: Philip Snowden ("Radical") def. Victor Cavendish, 9th Duke of Devonshire ("National")
1924 [maj, 338]: def. Philip Snowden (Liberal) [203], Joseph Devlin (Irish Parliamentary) [39], John Clynes (Independent Labour) [23], Arthur Griffith (Sinn Fein) [8]
1924 Lib.: Philip Snowden ("Radical") def. Austen Chamberlain ("National")
1925 Lib.: Austen Chamberlain ("National") def. Charles Trevelyan ("Radical")

Samuel Hoare (Conservative majority) 1927-1932
1927 [maj, 354]: def. Austen Chamberlain (Liberal) [179], James Larkin (Independent Labour) [54], William Redmond (Irish Centre) [45], Arthur Griffith (Sinn Fein) [4]
1928 Lib.: Leo Amery ("Reform") def. Ramsay MacDonald ("Radical") and Austen Chamberlain ("National")

Leo Amery (Liberal majority, then Wartime Coalition) 1932-1945
1932 [maj 457]: def. Samuel Hoare (Conservative) [101], James Larkin (Independent Labour) [71], William Redmond (Irish Centre) [54]
1937 [maj 431]: def. Edward Wood, Viscount Halifax (Conservative) [113], William Redmond (Irish Centre) [63], James Larkin (Independent Labour) [59], Winston Churchill (National Unity) [14]

John Simon (Wartime Coalition, then Liberal majority) 1945
1945 Lib.: ("National") def. Harold Macmillan ("Progressive")

Anthony Eden (Conservative majority) 1945-1954
1945 [maj, 335]: def. John Simon (Liberal) [211], Oswald Mosley (Independent Labour) [44], Ernest Blythe (Irish Centre) [23]
1946 Lib.: Harold Macmillan ("Progressive") def. John Simon ("National"), Gwilym Lloyd George ("National")
1950 [maj, 339]: def. Harold Macmillan (Liberal) [235], Aneurin Bevan (Independent Labour) [50], Ernest Blythe (Irish Centre) [25]
1950 Lib.: Harold Macmillan ("Progressive") def. Gwilym Lloyd George ("National")

Harold Macmillan (Liberal-Independent Labour-Irish Centre coalition) 1954-1957*
1953 [coal, 257]: def. Anthony Eden (Conservative) [275], Aneurin Bevan (Independent Labour) [63], Ernest Blythe (Irish Centre) [31]

Bertrand Russell, 3rd Earl Russell (Liberal-Independent Labour-Irish Centre coalition) 1957
Jun 1957: ("Progressive") unopposed

John Maclay (Liberal-Irish Centre minority coalition) 1957
Sep 1957: ("National") def. Bertrand Russell, 3rd Earl Russell ("Progressive")

R. A. Butler (Conservative majority) 1957-1962
1957 [maj, 346]: def. John Maclay (Liberal) [178], Aneurin Bevan (Independent Labour) [74], Ernest Blythe (Irish Centre) [27]
Dec 1957: Jo Grimond ("Progressive") def. Gwilym Lloyd George ("National") and Harold Wilson ("Radical")
1961 [maj, 344]: def. Jo Grimond (Liberal) [223], Annie Maxton (Independent Labour) [57], James Everett (Irish Centre) [19], Oliver Flanagan (Social Credit) [7], Neil Blaney (Sinn Fein) [5], Saunders Lewis (Plaid Cymru) [2]

Quintin Hogg, 2nd Viscount Hailsham (Conservative majority) 1962-1966
1963 Lib.: Dingle Foot ("Radical") def. Jo Grimond ("Progressive"), Roy Jenkins ("Progressive") and Reginald Maulding ("National")

Dingle Foot (Liberal minority supported by Independent Labour) 1966-1969
1966 [min, 293]: def. Quintin Hogg, 2nd Viscount Hailsham (Conservative) [233], Annie Maxton (Independent Labour) [54], James Everett (National Centre) [27], Oliver Flanagan (Social Credit) [14]

Roy Jenkins (Liberal minority supported by Independent Labour, then majority) 1969-1976
1969 Lib.: ("Progressive") def. Reginald Maulding ("National") and Dingle Foot ("Radical")
1970 [maj, 345]: def. Jack Powell (Conservative) [245], Liam Kavanagh (National Centre) [28], George Brown (Independent Labour) [21], Oliver Flanagan (Social Credit) [11]
1974 [maj, 356]: def. Jack Powell (Conservative) [231], Liam Kavanagh (National Centre) [30], Peter Shore (Labour) [28], Oliver Flanagan (Social Credit) [5], Saunders Lewis (Plaid Cymru [European Democrats]) [4]
1975 EA referendum: 57.1% Yes
1975 Irish independence: 56.3% No
1976 EA election: Liberal [LEDL, 34], Conservative [ECM, 27], Labour [ESP, 14], National Centre [NI, 7], [European Democrats, 5]

Michael Foot (Liberal majority, then minority) 1976-1979
1976 Lib.: ("Radical") def. Megan Lloyd George ("Progressive") and Margaret Thatcher ("National")
1979 EA referendum: 62.5% Remain
1979 [min, 256]: def. William Whitelaw (Conservative) [254], Peter Shore (Labour) [45], Liam Kavanagh (National Centre) [21]

Harold Macmillan, 1st Earl of Stockton (Liberal minority with ad hoc support from Conservatives or Labour) 1979-1982
1979 Lib.: ("Progressive") def. Michael Foot ("Radical")
1981 EA election: Conservative [ECM, 31], Liberal [LEDL, 23], Labour [ESDA, 17], [European Democrats, 5], National Centre [NI, 3]

Margaret Thatcher (Liberal minority with support from Conservatives, then majority) 1982-1985
1982 Lib.: ("National") def. Roy Jenkins ("Progressive") and David Steel ("Progressive")
1982 [maj, 345]: def. William Whitelaw (Conservative) [175], Denis Healey (Labour) [57], Roy Jenkins (Just Society) [11], Dick Spring (National Centre) [11], Phil Williams (Plaid Cymru [European Democrats]) [5]

Anthony Wedgwood Benn, 2nd Viscount Stangate (Liberal majority) 1985-1988
1985 Lib.: ("Progressive") def. Margaret Thatcher ("National") and Roy Jenkins ("Progressive", ineligible)
1986 EA election: Conservative [ECM, 37], Labour [ESDA, 25], Liberal [LEDL, 14], Just Society [LEDL, 10], [European Democrats, 5]

John Major (Liberal majority, then minority, then majority) 1988-1994*
1988 Lib.: ("Unifier") def. Anthony Wedgwood Benn, 2nd Viscount Stangate ("Progressive")
1989 [min, 295]: def. Keith Joseph (Conservative) [137], Dennis Skinner (Labour) [114], Roy Jenkins (Just Society) [10], Dick Spring (National Centre) [10], Phil Williams (Plaid Cymru [European Democrats]) [4]
1991 EA election: Liberal [LEDL, 25], Conservative [ECM, 21], Labour [ESDA, 21], [European Democrats, 8], National Centre [NI, 2]

Michael Heseltine (Liberal majority) 1994-1999
Jul 1994 Lib.: ("National") unopposed
Sep 1994 Lib.: ("National") def. David Owen ("Owenite")
1994 [maj, 339]: def. John Bruton (Conservative) [101], Dennis Skinner (Labour) [79], Dick Spring (National Centre) [13], Dafydd Wigley (Plaid Cymru [European Eco-Democrats]) [7], Tracy Worcester (Green [European Eco-Democrats]) [1]
1996 EA election: Labour [ESDA, 28], Liberal [LEDL, 21], Conservative [ECM, 13], Green/Plaid Cymru [EED, 10], National Centre [NI, 2]

Anthony Blair (Conservative-Labour coalition [with support of Eco-Democrats from 2003-2007]) 1999-2007
1999 [coal, 174]: def. Michael Heseltine (Liberal) [231], David Blunkett (Labour) [156], Tracy Worcester (Eco-Democrats [EED]) [15], Dafydd Wigley (Plaid Cymru [EED]) [7], Roger Godsiff (National Centre) [5], Jenny Jones (Independent Green) [3]
1999 Lib.: Charles Kennedy ("Reform") def. Michael Heseltine ("National")
2001 EA election: Liberal [LEDL, 28], Conservative [ECM, 17], [Eco-Democrats, 15], Labour [ESDA, 7]
2003 [coal, 215]: def. Charles Kennedy (Liberal) [243], David Blunkett (Labour) [101], Jean Lambert (Eco-Democrats [EED]) [23], Dafydd Wigley (Plaid Cymru [EED]) [8], Roger Godsiff (National Centre) [7], Alex Neil (Scottish Left) [7]
2003 Lib.: Mary Harney ("National") def. Vince Cable ("Progressive")
2004 Brussells Treaty referendum: 51.5% Yes
2006 EA election: Liberal [LEDL, 29], Conservative [ECM, 23], [Eco-Democrats, 17], Labour [ESDA, 8], Scottish Left [EUL, 3]

Shaun Woodward (Conservative-Labour coalition [with support of Eco-Democrats in 2007]) 2007-2012
2007 [coal, 187]: def. Mary Harney (Liberal) [245], Francis Ross (Labour) [146], Mike Woodin (Eco-Democrats [EED]) [11], Adam Price (Plaid Cymru [EED]) [5], Alex Neil (Scottish Left) [4], Sammy Wilson (National Centre) [3]
2007 Lib.: Alistair Campbell ("Reform") def. Nick Clegg ("National")
2011 EA election: Conservative [ECM, 26], [Eco-Democrats, 19], Liberal [LEDL, 14], Labour [ESDA, 7], Scottish Left [EUL, 2]
2011 Lib.: Andrew Adonis ("Reform") def. Alistair Campbell ("Reform")

Andrew Adonis (Liberal majority) 2012-2019
2012 [maj, 439]: def. Shaun Woodward (Conservative) [135], Francis Ross (Labour) [43], Patrick Harvie (Eco-Democrats [EED]) [32], Adam Price (Plaid Cymru [EED]) [14], Kate Hoey (National Centre) [9], Alex Neil (Scottish Left) [5]
2015 Irish independence: 55.0% No
2015 Welsh independence: 53.1% No
2016 EA election: Liberal [LEDL, 25], Conservative [ECM, 21], Labour [ESDA, 18], [Eco-Democrats, 12], Scottish Left [EUL, 3]
2017 [maj, 403]: def. Leo Varadkar (Conservative) [156], John McDonnell (Labour) [37], Patrick Harvie (Eco-Democrats [EED]) [36], Adam Price (Plaid Cymru [EED]) [25], Kate Hoey (National Centre) [11], Alex Neil (Scottish Left) [4]

Lisa Nandy (Liberal majority) 2019-present
2019 Lib.: ("Progressive") def. Chuka Umunna ("Reform") and Daniel Hannan ("National")
2019 [maj, 407]: def. Leo Varadkar (Conservative) [160], Patrick Harvie (Eco-Democrats [EED]) [32], Ruth Coppinger (Labour) [31], Adam Price (Plaid Cymru [EED]) [19], Kate Hoey (National Centre) [14]

The famous, tried and true poster of the Liberals declare "CONSERVATISM? PAST IT! SOCIALISM? BEYOND IT! LIBERALISM? IT!". And as the Liberals chug forward with their restored dominance seemingly unassailable, Britain sinks once more into an era of shining amber dominance. The Tories are struggling to rebuild from their 2012 wipeout, while Labour has lost much left-wing support to the Eco-Dems. At least we can all say that the Irish and Welsh are not leaving any time soon.

Of course, many decry the Liberals for not having any actual consistent policies, instead being united around a vague feeling of "following the heritage of Gladstonian liberalism" and just being a party of power above all else. But it seems to work. Meanwhile, someone wonders of a different world, one where the Liberal Party's myriad splits actually went through and didn't "stay inside the party".

Could the Tories win a majority more? Perhaps it could be the time of Labour? Who knows. But that is not this world.
 
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@Mumby

The God That Failed

1897 - 1905: William McKinley (Republican)
1896: def. William Jennings Bryan (Democratic)
1900: def. William Jennings Bryan (Democratic)

1905: John Hay (Republican)
1904: def. Alton B. Parker (Democratic)
1905 - 1909: Charles Fairbanks (Republican)
1909 - 1913: William Randolph Hearst (Democratic)
1908: def. Charles Fairbanks (Republican), Eugene Debs (Socialist)
1913 - 1917: Theodore Roosevelt (Republican)
1912: def. William Randolph Hearst (Democratic), Robert Latham Owen ("War Democratic"), Eugene Debs (Socialist)
1917 - 1925: Thomas R. Marshall (Democratic)
1916: def. Theodore Roosevelt (Republican), Allan Benson (Socialist)
1920: def. Frank Orren Lowden (Republican), Theodore Roosevelt (National), James Maurer (Socialist)

1925 - 1928: Edwin T. Meredith (Democratic)
1924: def. Calvin Coolidge (Republican), Theodore Roosevelt (National), Aaron Watkins (Prohibition), Eugene Debs (Socialist)
1928 - 0000: Cordell Hull (Democratic)
1928: def. Charles Curtis (Republican), William Varney (Prohibition), Hiram Johnson (National)

Different angle on Bull Moose 1912: McKinley avoids assassination, and continues on as President through 1905. While he makes some steps towards trust-busting in his second term, the untimely death of his successor means Fairbanks prevents anything more than small steps beyond this, so that William Randolph Hearst is able to make a name for himself as the populist contender. Hearst’s fresh new face, helped by voter fatigue, propels the Dems back into the White House in 1908.

TR, with a score to settle against the Party bosses, gets into the thick of it as the junior Senator for New York, making himself a thorough nuisance for Fairbanks and the Great White Hope of the progressive Republicans. While it isn't as glamorous as being President, 1911 sees Roosevelt stroll into a second term in the Senate, where it seems (and is devoutly hoped by Fairbanks) he will stay.

Then Some Damnfool Thing in Morocco kicks off, and before you can say "Agadir" the Kaiser has blundered his way into a war with the UK, France, and Spain. Although the Heer take the Channel ports and the eastern fringes of Paris, the war is far from over by Christmas.

Roosevelt storms the Republican nomination with a muscular platform that pacifies the conservatives while energising the progressives, and, thanks to a U-boat torpedoing the Titanic on its maiden voyage, beats the Anglophobe Hearst; this despite his robust talk of 'Preparedness' not going over well with the many hyphenated American voters (New York goes Republican by a hair’s breadth thanks to Democratic vote-splitting between pro- and anti-war tickets).

It’s not long before the wheels start to come off for the Rough Rider. The Moroccan War comes to a negotiated end before Roosevelt can convince America to join (which at least spares him the humiliation of being denied a declaration of war by Congress), and he has to make do with looking statesmanlike on the arbitration panel alongside Franz Ferdinand and Count Stolypin.

The home front, then, is where TR looks to make hay in his first term, but Hearst has already taken the credit for the big-ticket items like the eight-hour day, Senate election reform, and women’s suffrage, all of which were passed on his watch. There are two options left for Roosevelt to make his mark: doubling down on progressivism, or striking a bolder foreign policy.

He decides to try both.

In the aftermath of the Moroccan War, the isolationist sentiments of the American people appear to be validated, and acceptance of Roosevelt’s Preparedness doctrine is limited to the 'American Hemisphere' from Puerto Rico to the Philippines. Roosevelt is able to use Mexico as justification for a slight expansion of the standing army, but with Germany preoccupied with fighting itself and the other European powers more worried about the Balkans, Congress is content to use that dashing young Pancho Villa as a proxy for American interests.

Domestically, there are further blockages. Roosevelt has built great expectations of progress, but also won the nomination thanks to a lot of backroom deals with the conservative establishment - who never trusted him in the first place, and have if anything been emboldened by a decade of stodging about with little appreciable decline in their vote (1908 was a blip, they claim, and 1912 only went as badly as it did because of Roosevelt - that upstart Hearst would have been trounced otherwise).

A solid chunk of the Republican Party remains obstinate in the face of the President's geared-up Progressivism, then, and it takes going to Hearst on his hands and knees to pass even the milder parts of Roosevelt's plank: farm relief, child labour, and workers' compensation laws are able to pass, and a coalition of Hearstite and Rooseveltian Progressives manage to squeak through National Health Insurance by the narrowest of narrow margins in mid-1916.

Emboldened by his successes and galvanised by the fear of under-delivering, Roosevelt hits the campaign trail with all guns blazing. In his second term, TR says, he will free politics from business interests and promote individual welfare above property rights. Marshall claims to be a Progressive as well, argues Roosevelt, but he's a tool of the trusts Hearst couldn't bust (and it's convenient, he notes with a hint to his own trust-busting, that he never passed a follow-up to the Sherman Act). Only Roosevelt, who will recognise the unions and open the books on political donations, will spread the wealth of America to its people.

Even in a world without a Red Scare (the Russians are sabre-rattling in the Balkans, but are otherwise growing like Topsy), this is simply too much for the Republicans' big backers to swallow, and Roosevelt is defeated in a surprise upset. While many remain sympathetic as he decries the backroom interests who have manoeuvred against him from within the Party, Marshall is accepted as an acceptable (and more temperate) torch-bearer for the Progressive movement.

Determined to maintain momentum for a 1920 run, Roosevelt forms his own National Progressive Party in time for the 1918 midterms, which takes a respectable couple dozen seats from both major parties. It doesn't last, however, with the (by now shortened to) National campaign in 1920 only acting as a spoiler against the Republicans and handing Marshall a second term.

The Nationals tread water in Congress but are punished in 1922, progressives having largely bolted to the Democrats, and while the Panic of ’23 gives Roosevelt a brief second wind, all his 1924 campaign really achieves is prolonging the Democrats’ dominance, though that other Cuban veteran, Cordell Hull, deserves at least a little credit.

Roosevelt has all but lost interest in politics at this point, and his extracurricular activities have come to dominate his personal life since 1916 anyway; part of the first exploration of the Tunguska impact site in 1923, the ascent of Mount Logan the following year, and his final fateful expedition in the Amazon for the Lost City of Z the year after that.

By the time Roosevelt disappears in 1925, he is a figure of idle curiosity in the eyes of the people; a betrayed or failed Messiah to a few but a good - good, not great - President to most, whose greatest asset and greatest failure was not knowing when to quit. The Nationals have folded peacefully back into the Republican Party after Hiram Johnson's half-hearted '28 campaign, and with Hull likely to step down or be defeated in the Dems' fifth straight election, 1932 looks good for the Republicans. Teddy's son Quentin is being talked up as a possible Congressional candidate, and beyond that, who knows? It might even be that he secures a legacy yet for his father.
 
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Either way Brown gets it,

38.Gerald Ford/Robert Dole Republican 1977-1981
def. Jimmy Carter /Walter Mondale 1976
39.Jerry Brown/Hugh carey 1981-1989
def. Ronald Reagan/George H. Bush 1980

or

1977
38.Ronald W. Reagan/Richard seltzer republican
DEF. GERALD FORD IN primary. Jimmay Carter/walter Mondale
39.Jerry Brown/Jerry Litton
def. Ronald Reagan/Geroge H. Bush 1980
 
1961-1969: John F. Kennedy /Lyndon B.Johnson (D)
def.19 1960 Richard Nixon / Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. (R)1964 Barry Goldwater/William E. Miller.(R)1964
1969-1977: Nelson Rockefeller / William Scranton (R)
Henry M. Jackson/George Smathers (D)1968.Sam yorty/Wilbur Miles (D).1972.
1977-1981.Ronaled Reagan/Gerald Ford
def. Mo Udall/John V.Lindsay (D) 1976.
1981-1989
Robert F.Kennedy/John Glenn
def, Ronald Reagan/Gerald Ford.1980/
 
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