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Lists of Heads of Government and Heads of State

AlfieJ

left labour poster on here
Leader of the Labour Party

1994-2007: Tony Blair
1994: John Prescott, Margaret Beckett
2007-2008: Gordon Brown
2007: Unopposed
2008-2009: Alan Johnson
2008: David Miliband
2009-2014: Jon Cruddas
2009: James Purnell*

*withdrew before ballots counted

After the heady days of Gordon Brown's honeymoon period and the great election that wasn't of autumn 2007, 2008 would prove his annus horriblis. Despite suitable experienced to handle the growing banking crisis that began with the fall of Northern Rock, Brown suffered an immense drop in personality, while ten years dominating domestic policy had left the new Brown government with little in the way of new ideas. By the time Crewe was lost to the Conservatives and Glasgow East to the SNP by the Summer of 2008 Brown appeared in real, serious trouble. Members of the Trade Union and Labour Liaison Organisation (TULO) who had already clawed back significant party influence since the Warwick Agreements of 2004, quickly began scouting around for candidates to fill the Brown-shaped void should a Blairite coup emerge.

It was this canny foresightedness, coupled in with a recognition of how crisis could often be an opportunity, that led TULO to swiftly tap deputy leader Alan Johnson, just a year into the job having pipped Harman in the final ballot, and his former left-wing challenger Jon Cruddas, as the perfect dream ticket for a post-Blair/Brown future. When Miliband's Guardian attack on Brown finally dropped, the Blairites were soon overtaken by the slick organisation of the Trade Union's awkward squad. While previously hoping for a coronation, Miliband would ultimately take on the role of a fringe stalking horse, able to overthrow Brown through a series of well choreographed resignations, but unable to match the power of the unions and the growing mood of all but a hardcore of MPs and members who simply wanted to move on from the psychodrama of New Labour. Ironically, for a political tendency that rose to prominence out of rejection for the ideological infighting of the 1980s, it was its own factional divisions that sealed its demise in August 2008.

A special conference saw Alan Johnson, a man who by his own admission never wanted the job, elected leader, and Jon Cruddas his deputy, seeing off a chaotic reheated campaign from Patricia Hewitt with relative ease. Johnson captured perfectly the safe pair of hands the PLP and grassroots wanted, while ideologically ambiguous enough to lead figures of the left and right to see him as one of their own. Fundamentally, however, he remained a competent administrator and little else, a calming force for a party that had been in a state of constant internal convulsion for over two years. He picked up the party, dusted it down and allowed it to be in the best possible position to face the almighty crash of September 2008. In the immediate response, Johnson's own lightweight grasp of economic policy left his largely deferential to the model left behind by Brown, and even the quiet advice of the former Prime Minister from afar. While largely following Brown's lead, Johnson's sunny optimism undoubtedly became the face of Britain's response, while his image in the public as a relative newcomer (despite having been an MP for over a decade) earned him popular praise that eluded Brown. Nevertheless, there was only so much a deferential moderate could do in such an unprecedented crisis, and with his own desire to head for the hills as quickly as possible a poorly kept secret within the Westminster bubble, by the time of Labour's drubbing in the 2009 Euros became apparent, with the rise of the BNP and UKIP becoming a particular worry for the party's heartlands, Johnson took a series of convenient personal developments to bid farewell to the office he never wanted.

The immediate aftermath was to see him praised as a selfless servant, who guided the party through the initial crisis, and took his leave once the immediate job appeared done. The longer term work of rebuilding the nation's economy and civil society was destined for someone more imaginative and more radical, with a keen eye for progressive reform and battling the rise of fascistic populism. Enter the heir apparent, the man TULO had always wanted, Jon Cruddas.
 

Sideways

Attack and Dethrone Albus Dumbledore
Published by SLP
Location
Teignmouth, Devon
Pronouns
She/Her
A project I've worked on far too long

A statistical analysis of lists of British Prime Minister and Head of State (not counting monarchs) posted on this thread

So far this thread has imagined 8,992 years of British history and 774 prime ministers, giving each PM an average rule of 11.618 years

I think it gives an interesting look at the psychology of this community - who looms large, what eras we focus on. Here is the leader board for PMs

pms.png

And the parties

chart.png
Labour has formed more governments, but the Conservatives frequently get renamed the Nationals or Unionist, which evens things up a little. It helps here that I count "National" governments as National PMs as there's often not a clear dividing like where the national government forms into a National Party.

The SDP does well because the name is often used for random non-Labour left wing party, and New Democratic is a surprisingly common choice for a new party.
 

Sideways

Attack and Dethrone Albus Dumbledore
Published by SLP
Location
Teignmouth, Devon
Pronouns
She/Her
Some other rules I've worked from

1. Incumbents have one year only, unless an end date or a more recent election date is specified
2. Job shares count each member unless a senior partner is implied
3. Informal party splits count as part of the same party still - so If Theresa May was couped by Amber Russ as "remain Conservative" that's still a conservative government, but when they form a "Remain Conservative Party" that's a new party and counted separately
 

Sideways

Attack and Dethrone Albus Dumbledore
Published by SLP
Location
Teignmouth, Devon
Pronouns
She/Her
Did anyone actually use Progressive?
The last party in the graph is the progressive unionists - who had 1 year in office.

In total there were 38 parties who had just 1 year in office - a total of 0.42% of imagined history

The Progressive Party had 8 years in office - the most popular of the 4 parties with progressive in their names
 

Thande

But whatever you do, do not, under any circumstanc
Published by SLP
A project I've worked on far too long

A statistical analysis of lists of British Prime Minister and Head of State (not counting monarchs) posted on this thread

So far this thread has imagined 8,992 years of British history and 774 prime ministers, giving each PM an average rule of 11.618 years

I think it gives an interesting look at the psychology of this community - who looms large, what eras we focus on. Here is the leader board for PMs

View attachment 21032

And the parties

View attachment 21034
Labour has formed more governments, but the Conservatives frequently get renamed the Nationals or Unionist, which evens things up a little. It helps here that I count "National" governments as National PMs as there's often not a clear dividing like where the national government forms into a National Party.

The SDP does well because the name is often used for random non-Labour left wing party, and New Democratic is a surprisingly common choice for a new party.
New Democratic is probably so popular because that was the actual rebranding that Macmillan wanted to use for the Tories. We have a bias towards the 20th century, of course - if there were more 19th century lists, 'Moderate' (as Lord Derby's preferred rebrand of the Tories over 'Conservative') might be more common. We also probably under-use Unionist considering how it was used in preference to Conservative for much of the late 19th and early 20th centuries.
 

Roberto El Rey

Unelected bureaucrat
Location
Reims
A project I've worked on far too long

A statistical analysis of lists of British Prime Minister and Head of State (not counting monarchs) posted on this thread

So far this thread has imagined 8,992 years of British history and 774 prime ministers, giving each PM an average rule of 11.618 years

I think it gives an interesting look at the psychology of this community - who looms large, what eras we focus on. Here is the leader board for PMs

View attachment 21032

And the parties

View attachment 21034
Labour has formed more governments, but the Conservatives frequently get renamed the Nationals or Unionist, which evens things up a little. It helps here that I count "National" governments as National PMs as there's often not a clear dividing like where the national government forms into a National Party.

The SDP does well because the name is often used for random non-Labour left wing party, and New Democratic is a surprisingly common choice for a new party.
 

Bolt451

Godspeed, you! Rat Empress.
A project I've worked on far too long

A statistical analysis of lists of British Prime Minister and Head of State (not counting monarchs) posted on this thread

So far this thread has imagined 8,992 years of British history and 774 prime ministers, giving each PM an average rule of 11.618 years

I think it gives an interesting look at the psychology of this community - who looms large, what eras we focus on. Here is the leader board for PMs

View attachment 21032

And the parties

View attachment 21034
Labour has formed more governments, but the Conservatives frequently get renamed the Nationals or Unionist, which evens things up a little. It helps here that I count "National" governments as National PMs as there's often not a clear dividing like where the national government forms into a National Party.

The SDP does well because the name is often used for random non-Labour left wing party, and New Democratic is a surprisingly common choice for a new party.
Outstanding work!
 

neonduke

Inspector Paolo Germi
The Long Good Friday - SF and the DUP fail to become dominant within NI politics


1998 - David Trimble (Ulster Unionist - 30)
def. John Hume (SDLP - 25), Ian Paisley (DUP - 19), Gerry Adams (SF - 17), John Alderdice (Alliance - 8), Robert McCartney (UK Unionist - 3), Hugh Smyth (PUP - 3), Monica McWilliams (NI Women's Coalition - 2), Gary McMichael (UDP - 1)

2003 - David Trimble (Ulster Unionist - 27)
def: Mark Durkan (SDLP - 23), Ian Paisley (DUP - 23), Gerry Adams (SF - 19), Seán Neeson (Alliance - 5), David Ervine (PUP - 4), Robert McCartney (UK Unionist - 2), Monica McWilliams (NI Women's Coalition - 2) [1], Gary McMichael (UDP - 2), John Barry (Green - 1)

2008 - Alan McFarland (Ulster Unionist - 29)
def:Peter Robinson (DUP - 25), Mark Durkan (SDLP - 21), Gerry Adams (SF - 20), Eileen Bell (Alliance - 6), David Ervine/Dawn Purvis (PUP - 5)[2], John Barry (Green - 2)

2013 - Alan McFarland (Ulster Unionist - 30)
def: Alasdair McDonnell (SDLP - 23), Edwin Poots (DUP - 21)[3], Martin McGuinness (SF - 18), Eileen Bell (Alliance - 8), Dawn Purvis (PUP - 6), Brian Wilson (Green - 2)

2018 - Simon Hamilton (Ulster Unionist - 28)
def: Alasdair McDonnell (SDLP - 23), Conor Murphy (SF - 19), Jim Allister (DUP - 17), Stephen Farry (Alliance - 10), Dawn Purvis (PUP - 7), Clare Bailey (Green - 4)

2023 - Simon Hamilton (Ulster Unionist - 28)
def: Clare Hanna (SDLP - 25), Conor Murphy (SF - 16), Jim Allister (DUP - 12), Ian Paisley Jr. (PPP - 4 )[4], Stephen Farry (Alliance - 12), David Rose (PUP - 6), Clare Bailey (Green - 5)


[1] The Women's Coalition would be wound up in 2005 with the a Moriarty of members voting to join with the Alliance Party after extremely poor local elections results.
[2] David Ervine suffered a major heart attack at the start of the year and while he recovered well the decision was made to make the leadership a joint role with a view to Dawn Purvis taking sole leadership within the next year.
[3] Robinson was made to resign after his wifes affair and financial dealings were made public but not before an ugly inter-party spat was made public.
[4] Ian Jr's attempt to seize power from Jim Allister was a disaster and he and his closest associates were expelled from the party. Paisley set up the Protestant Peoples Party as a personal vehicle though it had some success in the North East, further eroding the DUP vote.
 

Time Enough

Civil Rights Cowboy
Pronouns
He/Him
A Touch of Flu:

1916-1918: David Lloyd George (War Coalition-Liberal)†
1918:Fredrick Guest (War Coalition-Liberal)

1918-1925:Austen Chamberlin (Conservative)
1918 def:(Majority) Arthur Henderson (Labour), Fredrick Guest (Liberal), George Barnes (National Democratic Socialist League), Éamon de Valera (Sinn Féin), Henry Page Croft (National)
1922 def: (Majority) George Lansbury (Labour), H.H. Asquith (Liberal), George Barnes (National Democratic Socialist League), Albert Inkpin (Communist Party of Great Britain),

1925-1927: J.R.Clynes (Labour)
1925 def: (Coalition with Liberals) Austen Chamberlain (Conservative), H.H.Asquith (Liberal), Tom Kennedy (National Democratic Socialist League), Albert Inkpin (CPGB), Rotha-Lintorn Orman (British Fascists)
1927-1931: Stanley Baldwin (Conservative)
1927 def: (Coalition with Liberals) J.R Clynes (Labour), John Simon (Liberal), Francis Acland (Action), Tom Kennedy (National Democratic), Albert Inkpin (CPGB), Rotha-Lintorn Orman (British Fascist Party)
1931-1937: Christopher Thomson (Labour)
1931 def: (Majority) Stanley Baldwin (Conservative), John Simon (Liberal), William Wedgwood Benn (Action), Frank Markham (National Democratic), J.R.Campbell (CPGB), Rotha-Lintorn Orman (British Fascist Party)
1934 def: (Majority) Oswald Mosley (Unionist), Stanley Baldwin (Conservative), Leslie Hore-Belisha (Liberal), William Wedgwood Benn (Action), Jessie Eden (CPGB), Rotha-Lintorn Orman (British Fascist Party)

1937-1941:Oswald Mosley (Unionist)
1937 def: (Majority) Christopher’s Thomson (Labour), Stanley Baldwin (Conservative), Archibald Sinclair (Liberal), William Wedgwood Benn (Action), Tom Wintringham (CPGB)
1941-1946: William Wedgwood Benn-Thomas Johnston (Popular Front)
1941 def: (Popular Front Coalition) Oswald Mosley (Unionist), Violet Bonham Carter (Liberal), Lord Halifax (Conservative), Tom Wintringham (CPGB-Popular Front), Jessie Eden (CPGB-Third International), John Beckett ('Social Credit' Unionist), William Joyce ('Fascist' Unionist)
1946-1950: Thomas Johnston (Labour)
1946 def: (Majority) Charles Simmons (Unionist), William Wedgwood Benn (Action), Violet Bonham Carter (Liberal), John Llewellin (Conservative), Tom Wintringham (CPGB-Popular Front), Jessie Eden (CPGB-Third International), John Beckett (Social Credit Party), William Joyce (British Fascists)
1950-:Harold Macmillan (Unionist)
1950 def: (Coalition with Conservatives) Thomas Johnston (Labour), Honour Balfour (Action), Violet Bonham Carter (Liberal),Oliver Lyttelton (Conservative), John Cornford-Margot Heinemann (Popular Front), John Beckett (Social Credit Party)

September 1918 and Spanish Flu has felled an important figure of British politics in David Lloyd-George. In some backdoor deals in which the sickly Bonar Law declines the offer of being Prime Minister, Liberal War Hero and Ally of David Lloyd George, Fredrick Guest is made Prime Minister. His brief rule was more about managing the remaining few months of the War alongside preparing the Liberals for an election after the new Conservative leader Austen Chamberlain (having ousted Bonar Law for being weak) decides against a coalition coupon. The Conservatives win, through a mixture of banging on the drum of populist nationalism in the wake of Germany defeat and also the Liberals collapsing into infighting and the Labour and National Democratic parties gobbling up the former Working Class Liberal vote.

Austen Chamberlain's rule is tumultuously, his Liberal Unionist past means that the Irish War of Independence spirals further lasting until 1923 when he begrudgingly signs a treaty that allows for the Free State of Ireland to exist. Despite his paternalistic conservatism and support of a welfare state (too a point, of course) it doesn't solve unemployment and despite winning the 1922 election (helped mainly by George Lansbury being seen as too Left Wing and Pacifist for the public liking and the Liberals being in free fall) it doesn't stop him loosing the 1925 election rather narrowly. J.R.Clynes enters a coalition with the Liberals but his brief run as Prime Minister falls into chaos after he manages to annoy the Free Traders and Libertarians and his attempts to put Radical MPs like William Wedgwood Benn as members of his cabinet leads to the coalition collapsing after 2 years. Angered by there comrades actions, William Wedgwood Benn and Francis Acland create there own party which leads to a rather Conservative/Business obsessed Liberals lead by John Simon (Asquith now being a drunken mess) joining into a coalition with Baldwin's Conservatives. The rule is rocky and the rise in Nationalist Populism, Communism, Fascism and more leads to the Baldwin government being a case of trying to constantly put out fires. The Great Depression finally causes the government to collapse and the Labour government takes hold.

Thomson is weak leader with a good team, he lets Webb and Morrison take control of digging the country out of the Depression whilst Thomson goes around oiling the right wheels here and there with his military background and mild charisma managing well against the Conservatives and National Democrats. But still the government of Thomson manages to get Britain out of the depths of a Depression but still hasn't conquered unemployment and has created a state that leans towards Centralised Corporatism over anything Socialist in nature which angers both the Conservatives, Radicals and the Left of the Labour Party and especially the cancerous mass of the Unionist Party.

A combination of National Democrats, Social Creditors, Fascists, Keynesian Liberals, Pacifists, Former Labour and Conservative MPs and generally a force of Keynesian National Populism and Paternalistic Conservatism lead by a loose cannon MP that is Oswald Mosley (having joined the National Democrats around 1922). Mosley wins the 37' Election (thanks to a Popualist campaign and a scandal over Thomson's love to Princess Marthe Bibesco being found out) and tries to implement his ideas but his loose coalition is not really a good force for change and Mosley's isolationist stance doesn't lend well to a world in which a German Military Government is fighting it out with the Polish, the Italians gobbling up various territories across the Mediterranean and the French and Spanish collapsing into Civil War. Alongside this and an increase in Authoritarianism leads to the various Left to Centrist parties joining together into a Popular Front lead by the Left Wing Labour MP Tom Johnston and Radical MP William Wedgwood Benn who proceed to smash the Unionist party in the 1941 election as the Unionist coalition collapses.

The next 9 years is about bringing Britain back from the brink, the scourges of British Fascism and Stalinism are wiped out by the Johnston Government (helped by rivals like the Anti-Stalin Communists of the Popular Front party and the Social Creditors of the Social Credit Party), a new Democratic Socialist style Britain inspired by the ideas of G.D.H Cole is brought in ranging from Socialised Health Care, increase in housing, a rise in alternative energy like Dams and the first inclining of Nuclear Energy, a rise in CoOps and Trade Unions and attempts to implement Workers Democracy and finally the Popular Front government battling the Italians in Africa and helping the French and Spanish Popular Fronts win there Civil Wars. Tom Johnston would be ousted in 1950 by a revived Unionist party, one which has rid itself of the shackles of Fascism and Social Credit and lead by Harold Macmillan, a true believer in so called 'One Nation Labour' politics and a man who may be able to give the Unionist Party it's place in the sun again.
 
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Mumby

Always mysterious!
Published by SLP
Location
Municipal Commune of Bourne
Pronouns
He/Him
Learning All The Wrong Lessons

inspired by discussion about the Empire sticking around, and by @Comisario and @AlfieJ 's TL.

1940-1948: Winston Churchill (Conservative leading War Government with Labour, Liberal Nationals, Liberals and National Labour)
1945 Continuity of Government referendum; YES 53%, NO 47%
1948-1949: Anthony Eden (Conservative leading Caretaker Government with Labour, Liberal Nationals, Liberals and National Labour)
1949 Continuity of Government referendum; NO 78%, YES 22%
1949-1964: Herbert Morrison (Labour)
1949 (Majority) def. Anthony Eden (Conservative-National Liberal Pact), Richard Acland (Common Wealth), Archibald Sinclair (Liberal)
1953 (Majority) def. Rab Butler (Conservative-Unified Liberal Alliance), John Loverseed (Common Wealth-Radical Action Alliance)
1957 (Grand Coalition with Conservatives) def. Rab Butler (Conservative-Liberal Alliance), John Loverseed (Common Wealth)
1962 (Grand Coalition with Conservatives) def. Rab Butler (Conservative), Donald Swann (Common Wealth), Oliver Smedley (Liberal)

1964-0000: Bernard Montgomery, 1st Viscount Montgomery (Independent leading Labour-Conservative Grand Coalition)

The idea here is that Attlee's always rather fragile constitution fails him around 1944 - and rather than risk dying, agrees to stand aside. Herbert Morrison wins the ensuing ballot handily and becomes the Second Man in government, far more visibly than Attlee was. He agrees to Churchill's idea about maintaining the wartime coalition with the backing of a referendum; ostensibly this was to maintain stability while Britain was still at war with Japan. In reality, it was in order to prepare for yet further years of bloodletting as Churchill and the newly installed MacArthur Administration thought the Unthinkable...

The abortive Anti-Soviet War went about as well as can be expected. The Red Army was the largest army ever assembled in human history. India broke out into riots - independence had been promised at wars end but it seemed the British were intent on simply making an unending cycle of war to put off the inevitable date. The Chinese Communists followed their Soviet backers and suddenly the Japanese were on the march once more as the Chinese United Front crumbled; and the Warlord who had masterminded the Pacific Front was suddenly in the White House and far more concerned about the rearmed Wehrmacht's performance against Zhukov. It was a rather chilling repeat of the German's campaign earlier in the decade. Initial advances led to hopes that the war could yet be won. Then the advance stalled and reversed. The bitter winter of 1948 was all too familiar to the Wehrmacht but it's effects were far further reaching in this instance. Rationing became its most bitter in the UK and children were taken out of their schools to work the fields. The Red Army slowly turned the tide. The use of American atom bombs seemingly only hardened their resolve, as they had done in Japan.

In 1948, Churchill lost a parliamentary vote of confidence - third times a charm. Anthony Eden wearily filled the office and as MacArthur vacated the White House in favour of Claude Pepper, peace was negotiated. Eden was aware his party was headed toward disaster and tried to fend off the inevitable with a referendum. It was not to be. It had been nearly fifteen years since the last general election and the people were tired of war and famine.

That they should look to Herbert Morrison as their saviour was a particularly bitter irony. The Labour Party won an outstanding majority on a platform of what would have been revolutionary socialism even a decade before. And only crumbs of that ever got implemented. Instead, Morrison made it his aim to reforge Britain for it's new destiny in the world. With France and Italy electing Communist governments and Franco overthrown, Britain stood alone in Europe once more. The Empire was the bulwark against Communist triumph.

As the years progressed, the shape of Morrison's Empire emerged. Implementing the advice of Bernard Montgomery - one of the few heroes of Anti-Nazi War to emerge with his laurels intact after the Anti-Soviet War - legions of Askari were raised from the colonies of Africa and used to transform what had once been merely imperial trophies to garnish the world map with swathes of pink paint into productive economic engines. India was a lost cause, but the Empire had not crumbled after the loss of the Thirteen Colonies. They had adapted and prevailed. The socialism that did arise on Britain's shores was limited and municipal.

In opposition, the hobbled Tories slowly limped back to relevance in an Anti-Socialist Alliance with the Liberals. More important, arguably was the continued presence of Common Wealth - the socialists who had gone from strength to strength opposing to the wartime electoral truce, the Anti-Soviet War and now the new policies of 'Pink Imperialism'. In 1957, a year after a bloody struggle to maintain control of Egypt - and more importantly the Suez Canal - Common Wealth actually ensured that there was a hung parliament. In another world perhaps, Morrison would have shuffled from power to be replaced with a Labour leader who could treat with Common Wealth.

But Morrison had proved his worth in the emergent Cold War. Pepper hadn't lasted longer than 1952 - President McCarthy was an enthusiastic backer of his fellow anti-communist. American millions had garnished Morrison's welfare state and had backed up the war in Egypt. At American encouragment, Morrison invited the Conservatives into government. The hardline free market Liberals broke their pact as the Conservatives and Labour united behind the policies of Industrial Monopoly and New Imperialism.

As the 1960s progressed, Britain found itself increasingly at war with its Empire. The Soviets had taken a long time to recover from the Wars of the 1940s, but the bitter experience had cleaned out a lot of the dead wood. A new enthusiastic, almost utopian generation now occupied the Kremlin and eagerly supported the battles of the Third World against their oppressors - whether they be American, Briton or Japanese. Thousands of British boys died in battlefields from the Caribbean to Malaya - and while the thousands more Askari who died tend to be forgotten - it left an indelible mark on the consciousness. British universities went from temples of contemplation to intellectual (and occasionally physical) battlefields.

In 1964, an aging but politically indispensable Morrison disappeared following a visit to a friend's house. The organisation which had kidnapped him called themselves the Nowheremen after the Moondog's son Nowhere Man. They promised to release him when the government undertook to end the imperialist wars and grant independence to the colonies. It was an impossible dream, but the government froze. Morrison had ruled the Labour Party with an iron fist - there was no clear successor there. A Conservative Prime Minister was unthinkable at such a time. So Britain turned to the man who had designed the Askari legions, who had brought Africa to heel for a generation...
 

Time Enough

Civil Rights Cowboy
Pronouns
He/Him
From Populist to Progressive:The Williams Era..:

A Collaborative list of Presidents of the US

1877-1885: Samuel J. Tilden (Democratic)
1876 (With George B. McClellan) def: Rutherford B.Hayes (Republican), Peter Cooper (Greenback)
1880 (With George B. McClellan) def: Chester A. Arthur (Republican), James B.Weaver (Greenback)

1885-1889: James G. Blaine (Republican)
1884 (With Henry Cabot Lodge) def: George B. McClellan (Democratic), Benjamin F.Butler (Greenback)
1889-1893: Horace Boies (Democratic)
1888 (With Lambert Tree) def: James G. Blaine (Republican), James B.Weaver (Greenback)
1893-1901: John Sherman (Republican)
1892 (With Whitlaw Reid) def: Horace Boies (Democratic), James B.Weaver (Populist), John Bidwell (Prohibition), Simon Wing (Socialist Labor)
1896
(With Robert Todd Lincoln) def: Richard P.Bland (Democratic), Thomas E.Watson (People's), Hale Johnson (Prohibition), Charles Machett (Socialist Labor)
1901-1909: George W. Peck (Democratic)
1900 (With William Jennings Bryan*) def: William McKinley (Republican), Hale Johnson (Prohibition), Eugene V.Debs (Social Democratic), Valentine Remmel (Socialist Labor)
1904
(With Champ Clark) def: Theodore Roosevelt (Republican), Eugene V.Debs (Farmer-Labor), Silas C.Swallow (Prohibition), Philip Van Patten (Socialist)
1909-1913: Henry Stimson (Republican)
1908 (With Charles Evans Hughes) def:Champ Clark (Democratic), Eugene V.Debs (Farmer-Labor), Silas C.Swallow (Prohibition), Frank Bohn (Socialist)
1913-1917: William Randolph Hearst (Democratic)
1912 (With William Jennings Bryan) def: Henry Stimson (Republican), Eugene V.Debs (Progressive Labor), Silas C.Swallow (Prohibition), Frank Bohn (Socialist)
1917-1921: William Jennings Bryan (Democratic)
1916 (With Thomas Marshall) def: Elihu Root (Republican), James H.Maurer (Progressive Labor), Aaron S.Watkins (Prohibition), C.E.Ruthberg (Socialist)
1921-1929: William Allen White (Republican)
1920 (With Nicolas Butler) def: William Jennings Bryan (Democratic), Algernon Lee (Progressive Labor), Herman P.Faris (Prohibition), Elmer Allison (Socialist)
1924 (With Parley Christensen) def: Whitmell P. Martin (Democratic), Daniel Hoan (Progressive Labor), Herman P.Faris (Prohibition), Benjamin Gitlow (Socialist)

1929-1937: Smedley Darlington Butler (Republican)
1928 (With Henrik Shipstead) def: Henry Ford (Democratic), Henrik Shipstead (Progressive Labor), William David Upshaw (Prohibition), Mary Van Kleeck (Socialist)
1932 (With Philip La Follette) def: James A.Reed (Democratic), Floyd B.Olson (Progressive Labor), Alvin York (Prohibition), James P.Cannon (Socialist), William Lemke (Union)

1937-0000:Culbert Olson (Democratic)
1936 (With Rexford Tugwell) def: Philip La Follette (Republican), Josephine Roche (Progressive Labor), Alvin York (Prohibition), Jay Lovestone (Socialist), Huey Long (Union)

*People's Party Candidate for President
(Quick note, my knowledge of American politics isn't all ranging so if someone wants to write a description or idea of how this would work, I won't mind)
 
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Gonzo

Actually nostalgic for Peter Robinson
This is based on a PoD of Frederick, Prince of Wales marrying Lady Diana Spencer (granddaughter of the Duke & Duchess of Marlborough) leading to an alternate George III.

List of First Lords of the Treasury

1757-1761: Thomas Pelham-Holles, 1st Duke of Newcastle ('Old Corps' Whig) [1]
1761: Sir John Philipps (Tory), Sir Francis Dashwood (Independent Whig)
1761-1764: Richard Grenville-Temple, 2nd Earl Temple ('Grenvillite' Whig) [2]
1764-1765: Prince William, Duke of Cumberland ('Old Corps' Whig) [3]
1765-1767: Henry Fox, 1st Earl Holland ('Old Corps' Whig) [4]
1767-1777: Charles Townshend ('Old Corps' Whig) [5]

1768: William Dowdeswell (Tory), William Pitt (Pittite), George Grenville/John Russell, 4th Duke of Bedford (Grenvillite/Bedfordite), John Wilkes (Radical)
1774: William Dowdeswell (Tory), William Pitt (Pittite), Granville Leveson-Gower, 2nd Earl Gower (Grenvillite/Bedfordite), John Wilkes (Radical)

1777-1778: August FitzRoy, 3rd Duke of Grafton ('Old Corps' Whig) [6]
1778-1779: William Petty, 2nd Earl of Shelburne ('Pittite' Whig) [7]
1779-1781: James Lowther, 1st Earl of Lonsdale ('Old Corps' Whig) [8]

1781: Sir Watkin Williams-Wynn (Tory), William Petty, 2nd Earl of Shelburne ('Pittite' Whig), Andrew Robinson Bowes/Lord George Gordon (Radical)
1781-1787: Frederick North, Lord North ('Ministerialist' Whig) [9]
1787-1791: William Cavendish-Bentinck, 3rd Duke of Portland ('Old Corps' Whig) [10]

1788: Thomas Grosvernor (Tory), William Pitt the Younger (Pittite), Andrew Robinson Bowes/Lord George Gordon (Radical)
1791-????: Bamber Gascoyne the Elder (Tory) [11]
1792 (Leicester House Coalition): Charles James Fox (Whig), Frederick Bull (Radical)


[1] The days of the Duke of Newcastle's administration were numbered from 7AM on the 25th October 1760 when King George II died. George II's successor, his 28-year-old grandson George III had made it clear since coming of age that he desired to rid himself of his grandfather's ministers at the earliest opportunity. Like most heirs for the best part of a century, the younger George had fraterised with the parliamentary opposition, lavishing them with promises and commitments that upon his coronation he would bring them in from the cold and replace the current corrupt ministry with the able and honourable men of opposition. George III had been brought up under the influence of several Whiggite tutors, ranging from Newcastle's private secretary Andrew Stone to Lord Waldegrave, with his uncle the Duke of Cumberland exerting considerable influence upon him. For much of his formative years the effective darling of the opposition had been William Pitt, who was the champion of not only the malcontent Whigs but also the still significant bloc of Tories who dreamed that their proscription would be removed and that they would serve in government for the first time since 1715. Receiving grand assurances from the Prince of Wales that he would promote an honourable future, opposition MPs felt confident that their time would come. For the meantime the new King maintained his grandfather's Ministers, while making it clear that he hoped Pitt (by this point in coalition with Newcastle) would soon take the reigns of power. "The King’s speech to his council afforded matter of remark, and gave early specimen of who was to be the confidential minister, and what measures were to be pursued: for it was drawn by Lord Waldegrave, and communicated to the King's servants who were loyal to Mr. Pitt" wrote Whig MP & diarist Horace Walpole in his memoirs on the occasion of the King's first address to the Council. The new year would bring a new election as mandated by the demise of the Crown. For the most part a fairly languid election, the fretting hypochondriac Newcastle was forced to spend considerable amounts in several contests where compromises had been hashed out with local Tories to avoid repeats of expensive races; this was due to the new King's refusal to abide by such agreements as 'things of the past'. This had the effect of backfiring in two notable contests. In Canterbury attempts to thrust two outsider Whigs on the seat had the effect of galvanising local independents and Tories behind two local Tories under the slogan 'No Presbyters, No Foreigners!'. In Oxfordshire, a hitherto Tory stronghold that had been 'broken' via an expensive & controversial election in 1754, featured a repeat of this contest between vengeful local Tories and cash-strapped local Whigs, who were unable to repeat their questionable success from seven years prior and proceeded to lose the seat handily to the local Tories. Among those cheered by this occasion was Samuel Johnson who upon the uttering of a pro-Tory address in the 'true blue' University of Oxford, he reportedly clapped his until they 'became sore'. By this point many Tories had realised that George III's former assurances of an 'honourable government' would not include the removal of the proscription. While moves had been made to courting their support in the mid-to-late 1750s with George III, Newcastle, Pitt and Henry Fox all trying to 'capture' the party, the Tories now reacted with considerable frustration and anger and pushed off much of these assurances. While committed to Pitt, the party would once again relapse into deep antagonism towards the reigning monarch. While in years gone by this had manifested itself in sabre rattling over Jacobitism, such a political movement was realistically dead, leaving the Tories to embrace the next best thing, political radicalism and a strong commitment to parliamentary reform. Tory unease was reflected in the correspondence of 'true blue' Oxford University MP Sir Roger Newdigate who told his wife "I know not whether I like the new King and I do not desire to be with his Ministers as long as a gentleman may [...] the gentry must not be lost in the Court".
[2] Newcastle's long-expected fall would occur by the end of 1761 around the time of the opening of the new Parliament. After a cabinet dispute on the prosecution of the Seven Year's War Newcastle found himself without power and resigned in October 1761. Pitt was now the undisputed power within the cabinet and is considered by modern-day observers as serving as Prime Minister from this point. Pitt, however, refused the position of First Lord of the Treasury, instead satisfying himself as Lord Privy Seal within the new administration. After a period of time, Pitt would appoint a de-facto figurehead in the form of the Earl Temple, the patriarch of the Buckinghamshire-based Grenville family and the patron of the Grenvillite faction in Parliament. Pitt's desire to create an administration based on the best men possible regardless of their partisan affiliation met with a snag when he was unable to do anything besides overtures to the Tories, who remained proscribed and increasingly bitter in Opposition. Forming a government among his own 'Pittite' support base (Pitt loathed the idea of him being a party or faction leader), some opportunistic Old Corps Whigs and the Grenvillite faction. The government was faced by two major issues, the War and the nation's economic state. Pitt was the public face of the conflict and a committed hawk, while the Grenvillites leaned towards agreeing to peace preliminaries, though a peace which would be punishing to the French. The conflict itself would continue until 1763 when Pitt's appointed representative Lord Hertford was able to force through a punishing peace preliminaries on France which saw strong British territorial gains in North America (including the complete annexation of French Canada (including St. Pierre-et-Miquelon), dominance on the Indian subcontinent and the reclaiming of Minorca which had fallen in 1756. Pitt proved a popular and effective wartime leader, but was lacking in terms of domestic and peacetime politics. Famously hard to work with, self-assured and combative, Pitt increasingly losing the confidence of the public which had once adored him, elements in Parliament and the King who found Pitt's erratic behaviour increasingly irksome. Pitt's government was faced with dealing with the nation's post-war economic picture, yet Pitt's uncompromising attitude and refusal to support a proposed cider excise duty would create a split within government which would culminating in Pitt having a nervous breakdown in late-1764, forcing his resignation as Lord Privy Seal.
[3] George III's attempts to form a new government around individuals such as Earl Temple, the aged Newcastle and the Duke of Marlborough would all come to naught. In the end he would turn to his beloved uncle, asking him to try and form some kind of a Ministry, hopefully with the support of Newcastle's Old Corps faction. Cumberland would form his own ministry in 1764, forming a broad bottom coalition including Old Corps, Grenvillite and some Pittite elements. Cumberland, often referred as 'Butcher Cumberland' in Tory literature, was as perpetual bugbear for Tories and radical Whigs alike, with the former despising him for his clear Whig leanings and actions during the '45, and the former increasingly disliking him due to his blue blood and their fears of increased royal power. Despite being in his early-mid forties, Cumberland walked with a distinct limp from a battle injury incurred over twenty-years prior which had reduced his mobility, resulting in his ballooning in weight and becoming obese. He had also suffered a stroke in 1760, leaving him in an increasingly precarious state of health. This was not lost on satirist and cartoonists who merrily mocked the obese and increasingly infirm royal. Cumberland's economic and defence policies were in many ways a red rag to the opposition, who found much to hate. Cumberland was a military man and was supportive of a large standing peacetime army. For fiscal hawks such as the conservative Whig Charles Townshend and the Tories & Independent Whigs in opposition this was unconscionable, with all either opposing a large peacetime standing army or supporting the Militia system to protect English 'liberty' and freedom. Cumberland and his administration would come under strong criticism from two opposition elements. The first was the controversial Tory satirist, John Shebbeare, recently released from Newgate prison for seditious libel, published a series of Letters to the English People which ruthlessly satirised and attacked Cumberland to the point of insinuating the childless bachelor was either a homosexual or 'fond' of his noble steed. For such remarks Shebbeare faced yet more time in the stocks and in prison, but due to a public outcry he would get away to continue publishing his Letters. Of more importance to those who study history was The Briton, written by John Wilkes and published by Charles Churchill. Wilkes, a Pittite had become incensed at the King and the new government for usurping his hero Pitt from power. This was part of a nefarious 'Tory' scheme to institute absolutism and move away from the principles of the Glorious Revolution. In weekly editions of The Briton Wilkes would use increasingly inflammatory rhetoric to attack the government culminating in the No. 45 edition which would see Wilkes arraigned on charges of seditious libel. This was coupled with the public reading in the House of Lords of a pornographic poem by Wilkes, An Essay on Woman by his enemy Lord Sandwich which caused one peer, Lord Lyttleton to cry out in anguish for Sandwich to stop; Wilkes was summarily charged with indecency. In response Wilkes fled to Paris for the meantime. Cumberland also faced problems on the economy sphere and was forced to address the nation's increasingly dire economic picture. Egged on by his Chancellor George Grenville, Cumberland's administration introduced the long-proposed cider excise duty and a duty on stamps to the American colonies. This would see strong public anger in the cider counties in the west country and in the American colonies. One Tory MP, Sir Charles Kemys Tynte upon being accused of supporting the duty would protest in a local Somerset newspaper: 'I spoke in the House of Commons against it. I voted against it. The only day I was absent from the House was when I was afflicted with so severe a fit of the gout, that I could not turn in my bed without assistance. I attended every meeting in the country, and in London, to concert proper measures against it, and I was carried to the House wrapped in flannels to vote for the repeal of that odious and detestable tax'. These measures were subject to severe public disquiet and anger in certain areas of the country and were lambasted by Tories and Pittites in opposition alike. The provisions were, however, not judged on their merits and did much to help the nation's hitherto flagging economy. Cumberland would not live to see the fruits of his efforts, dying during a cabinet meeting from another massive stroke in October 1765 at the age of forty-four.
[4] With the government's figurehead now buried under a slab of stone at Westminster Abbey, the government began to panic. The Pittites licked their lips in anticipation of regaining power, while the non-interventionist Bedfordite Whigs were equally happy to push forward into government. The two lacked numbers and had to rely on Tory support, which was wholly unconscionable to George III who readily expressed his loathing of Toryism and Tory principles, much to the continued annoyance and anger of the Tory rump in Parliament. The Cumberland administration had been propped up by three competent parliamentary administrators. The first was John Calcraft, an equivalent of a modern day fixer or spin doctor, he was the behind the scenes administrator in the government doing the bidding of his master, Leader of the House of Commons Henry Fox. The government's survival was predicated on Chancellor George Grenville, a highly competent, eloquent and all around effective politician who in the modern age would have excelled. Grenville was, however, a deeply conservative man and seen to be fairly prudish to the libertine King, who was bored by the technocratic Grenville and was deeply suspicious of the 'Tory' inclinations of the Chancellor. Attempts to make Grenville First Lord would collapse in November 1765 due to the King's strong opposition. Offended and angered, Grenville would lead his sizable following of around seventy MPs into opposition. Talk of a renewed Newcastle administration was equally mooted on account of Newcastle's increasing list of health problems and his old age. Newcastle's factional successor, the Marquess of Rockingham was likewise pooh-poohed on account of his lack of political and administrative experience. This left Fox, who was reluctant to take on the responsibility of the office of First Lord. After some wrangling by the King and the offer of an Earldom (who had long desired such a title), Holland (as Fox was now known) would form his own ministry. Drawing on much of the same personnel as Cumberland, Holland would make overtures to several prominent Independents and Independent Whigs including respected Independent Sir Francis Dashwood and Earl Talbot. The two men considered the political situation little changed from that of the old reign of George II and refused Holland's offer of ministerial office. Fox was forced to invite less 'reliable' individuals into his administration, most notably Townshend who was appointed Chancellor of the Exchequer. Much of the government's economic programmes were maintained, though a slight reduction in the budget allocated to a peacetime army was forced through by Townshend. Now out of the Commons Holland lost much of his political advantages and became increasingly rudderless as Townshend amassed more and more power. While not disagreeable to Townshend's duties on tea, glass, paper and paint in the American colonies and his strong support for the East India Company amid opposition attacks. Holland's political interests would begin to wane over time as he doted on his son Charles James, who he groomed for his own political career. By 1767 allegations of profiteering and corruption abounded around Holland, who was repeatedly attacked by London radicals such as Tory William Beckford as the "public defaulter of unaccounted millions". These demands for the 'missing millions' would become a popular radical rallying cry in the capital and other large cities and would help force Fox out as First Lord, despite the support of the King; and onto the backbenches in the Lords where he would bitterly brood all while instilling in his sons a deep hatred of public opinion, the rule of the mob, radical politics and loyalty to the King.
[5] Horace Walpole in his memoirs would write in the 1780s on Townshend: "
As a man of incomparable parts, and most entertaining to a spectator, I regret his death. His good humour prevented one from hating him, and his levity from loving him; but in a political light I own I cannot look upon it as a misfortune". As Chancellor and a commanding figure in the Commons, Townshend seemed like a natural choice for the new First Lord. Townshend's position seemed initially unstable after it emerged his defence of the EIC may have been influenced by the considerable amounts of stock he possessed in the company. Townshend's charisma and legislative ability would ensure the longterm survival of his ministry. Townshend would lead the Court into the 1768 general election which would result as Walpole noted: "In the mean time the Parliament was chosen to the content of the Court [...] the majority was not much different than in the last Assembly". Government attempts to crack the Tory opposition failed with Tories winning all four seats in the City of London and easily routing a government-backed challenge in the University of Oxford. The election itself became personified by the contest in Middlesex county, where Wilkes returned to contest and took the seat of an incumbent government MP along with a radical-tinged Tory. George III was incensed by this and forced the government to share his viewpoint, making it move to censure and expel Wilkes. This was achieved with Wilkes being expelled and facing by a by-election in February 1769 which he would win unopposed. Wilkes was summarily expelled again and in March faced a challenge from an eccentric pro-government merchant by the name of Charles Dingley. Dingley was handily defeated, yet the exasperated government voted to seat Dingley instead for the seat. This irked many opposition MPs, in particular Tories who found Wilkes a demagogue, yet he was the choice of his electors whose rights should be protected and defended. After the Middlesex Tory MP was defeated a radical Tory who was supportive of Wilkes was returned in his place against the same government Whig who lost the seat at the general election. Wilkes' supporters marched in the streets of London setting fire to the houses of prominent pro-government figures, and were only stopped when the Horse Grenadier Guards violently broke up the demonstrations at St. George's Field, leaving several dead and helping spawn the 'St. George's Field Massacre' myth that persists to this day. From the government's actions the anonymous polemicist Junius would begin writing his taunting letters which mocked the government on its domestic and foreign policy on an almost weekly basis. It seems likely that civil disobedience would continue at home and in the Americas where Townshend was a particularly unpopular figure, were it not for events in the Mediterranean. The pro-British Corsican Republic had been attacked by France which clearly desired to annex the island. Perhaps spurned on by his conservative inclinations or the taunting of Junius, Townshend would lay down an ultimatum to the French to cease their actions or face a British response. The French ignored this and Britain from late 1769 would find itself in a state of war with France in order to defend Corsica. The conflict would grow in size with Spain joining the French side after gaining French assurances of support for Spanish claims on the Falkland Islands which were disputed between Britain and Spain. Traditional cries of 'No Peace without Spain' were heard through the Kingdom as many formerly bitterly opposed individuals rushed to sign up to enlist in the conflict. Despite the siren song of some radicals in the American colonies, namely the Sons of Liberty, many Americans would put their grievances behind them in order to support the mother country, perhaps out of the homes of their loyalty being rewarded by the belligerent Townshend. At home even figures such as Pitt, who had recently recovered from his second nervous breakdown in a decade and had been leading the opposition, who now came to the support of the government's war effort. Much of the Corsican War was dominated by naval engagements, though there was a British expeditionary force sent to Corsica which proved useful for the locals in holding off continued French attacks. The gradual, though seemingly inevitable push back of Corsican patriots by the French would lead to increasing disquiet against the administration, who feared a public reaction against the conflict in the upcoming general election in 1775. The defining event of the conflict was the Battle of Minorca in early 1774. The British garrison on the island was led by Lord George Germain who had begged for a posting there in order to resurrect his reputation which had been tarnished by his insubordination at the Battle of Minden in 1759. The garrison was outnumbered by a combined Franco-Spanish invasion force led by the Duke of Crillon which began a sizable naval bombardment of the island before landing troops. After a brutal fight the British forces, who received assistance from a small but heroic band of Coriscans, would win out in the end, providing a significant propaganda piece for the government and the war effort. This would aid the government in a snap general election held a year early in 1774. The rest of the conflict proved a stalemate, though one clearly in the favour of the British and their Corsican allies. Townshend had, since childhood suffered from a "crazy constitution" which modern observers contend was a serious case of epilepsy which left him out for the count for sometimes weeks at a time. Exhausted, suffering from influenza and distraught at the death of his son William in the fighting, Townshend succumbed to a "putrid fever" at his family estate at Sudbrook Park in Surrey in 1777 at the age of 52, leaving his wife, two other sons and a daughter.
[6] Townshend's immediate successor was the Duke of Grafton, the government's Southern Secretary. A government Whig with a long career in government, the crowning achievement of his time in power was the signing of a ceasefire in the conflict. After this talk of what the terms would be would increase into a political firestorm as the opposition thought Grafton would simultaneously push for a punitive and a lenient peace preliminaries. As talks at Fontainebleau dragged on for months, normal political affairs resumed at home with existing grievances against the government be aired. Grafton was a reluctant First Lord and was constantly looking for opportunities to resigning, loathing the office and preferring instead to spend more time at the hunt and with his actress mistress.
Junius would return writing scathing letters sometimes to Grafton himself mocking him for his alleged leniency towards the French. This combined with a restoration of parliamentary opposition attacks on the government would see an exasperated Grafton throw the towel in amid the crumbling of the governing coalition.
[7] With the governing coalition crumbling, the calls from the opposition, comprised on the Pittites, Grenvillites, Bedfordites and the Independent Whigs (not to mention the Tories) was that the Pittites must head the new ministry. Pitt, during a parliamentary debate on the potential peace preliminaries collapsed into the arms of his longtime friend Francis Dashwood, before dying several days later. Pitt's number two, the Earl of Shelburne, soon emerged as the popular voice among the opposition and some opportunistic elements in the Court. George III aimed to resist this by begging various elements in government to take on the position of First Lord. The King had in recent years become distraught at his daughter and heir, Princess Charlotte being led astray by her tutors. Various Whiggite tutors had come and gone, yet the Princess had come under the influence of the Tory MP and legal writer William Blackstone who had 'infected' her with Tory writings, including those of the late Viscount Bolingbroke, leaving the teenage Princess convinced that only with a completely new administration would the nation's ills be solved. Now of age and married, the Princess did as her grandfather had done years prior and agitated for an increase to her allowance all while crafting a parliamentary opposition around her comprised mainly of Tories, dissident Whigs and Radicals, all to her father's horror and chagrin. There was little love lost on her part, with the Princess being disgusted by her lecherous father's repeated liaisons with actresses and noblewomen, leaving her mother humiliated and resulting in various acknowledged and pampered bastard offspring. The King resisted efforts to thrust Shelburne, who talked of appointing 'honourable' and 'honest' Independents and Country Gentlemen (a euphemism for Tories) to his Ministry; on him, before finally acquiescing in late 1778. The Irishman's administration was reformist in nature pledging to grant legislative freedom and enhanced powers to the Irish Parliament and the granting of similar powers to an overarching American Parliament in Williamsburg. The American proposals were themselves based on a paper co-written by Francis Dashwood & Benjamin Franklin entitled Plan of reconciliation between the two countries which was noted for its fairly pro-American lean. These controversial proposals were forced through while the government's envoys in France appeared near to bringing home a completed peace deal. The deal, nicknamed the Shelburne Peace was remarkably lenient, with the main demands being a recognition of Corsican independence in addition to British ownership of the Falklands, Minorca and Florida. In order to assuage the fears of the two absolutist nations of a liberal enlightened republic near their shores, the Anglo-Corsican Kingdom was formed with King George made the King of Corsica, though he had little to no powers under the liberal and enlightened constitution drawn up by Corsican Prime Minister Pasquale Paoli. While the proposals did narrowly make their way through Parliament, the knives were out for Shelburne and his increasingly weak government, which had lost Grenvillite support due to the leniency of the peace terms. The end would come after the government introduced proposals to reform the East India Company which were savaged by the opposition who in defeating the proposals managed to scalp Shelburne and force his resignation.
[8] King George's choice of his new First Lord has proven a deep mystery to historians and observers in the near 250 years since the appointment occurred. Sir James Lowther, MP for various seats since 1757 is widely considered to be the worst Prime Minister in British history. An influential landlord controlling over a half-dozen seats in Parliament, Lowther is considered the archetypal corrupt landlord controlling the votes of his tenants. In one infamous instance in 1768 Lowther subdued the freeholders in Carlisle who balked at his choice of two Scottish outsiders as his candidates, by threatening to withhold grain and coal shipments into the seat until the voters begrudgingly voted for his candidates. From instance such as this Lowther acquired nicknames such as 'Jimmy Grasp-all', 'Bad Jimmy', 'Gloomy Jimmy' and 'The Tyrant of the North' he is mostly remembered as an ungrateful, corruption, un-aminable, fowl tempered, intolerant, lecherous and brutal man. For school children he remains known to this day in the nursery rhyme
Don't Wake Miss Molly which has rather than an innocent story about not waking up a young girl instead has a basis in Lowther's mistress, the eponymous Miss Molly who was his favourite mistress who he fell in love with and kept in luxury. After she died he could not bare to have her buried and kept the increasingly putrefied body on his bed until the smell and state of the body became unbearable, which saw him decide to stuff it and have it mounted in a glass-topped coffin in a cupboard, before finally allowing the family to bury the body... five years after the poor woman had died. Lowther had become a fixture at Court owing to his positions in various governments after being appointed First Lord of Trade under Fox and being First Lord of the Admiralty under Townshend & Grafton. Endearing himself to the King through flattery and a sincere sense of humour, Lowther would find his way into a peerage as the Earl of Lonsdale and quickly became the King's Favourite, resulting in his appointment as First Lord. Disliked by his contemporaries, he formed his own ministry and gained a majority via patronage, investments and often downright bribery. Backed by the Old Corps, he was propped up in the Commons by his effective Chancellor Lord North and advocate Charles James Fox, who found Lowther an analogue to his father owing to his deep unpopularity. Lowther proved a fairly useless First Lord and was clearly out of his depth and would ordinarily have been out of a job fairly quickly were it not for the strong links he had with the King who refused to part with his 'dearest friend'. Not since 1741 had the government's majority in the Commons been threatened at a general election. The 1780 general would provide a scare to the Ministerialist Whigs who had now been in an almost contentious perch of power since 1715. Local alliance between Pittites, Tories and Radicals were formed across the country to increasing levels of success. The election featured a routing of pro-government candidates outside of the rotten & pocket boroughs. In Bristol the government's chief propagandist Edmund Burke was trounced by a Tory-Radical ticket of Matthew Brickdale and Henry Cruger. In most London seats the Tory-Radical wave was felt with such candidates doing well. Even in the government-controlled Whig stronghold of Cambridge University there was some bloodletting with Pitt's son, William being returned for one of the seats on an oppositionist ticket. Nonetheless the government still had a safe nominal majority, though now with the largest contingent of Tories returned since 1722. The Lowther administration continued to bungle its approach, with its proposals for reform of the East India Company that amounted to little more than packing the board room full of partisan officials who would enrich themselves and their friends. The government's attempts to offset a potential uprising by French Catholics in Quebec by granting some rights to Catholics would unleash a sizable public reaction. With Wilkes become ever more reconciled to working with the Tories who had been 'purged of their Jacobite blood', the Radical movement increasingly came under the influence of hardline and unscrupulous individuals. The two most notable would prove to be Lord George Gordon and Captain Andrew Robinson Bowes. Gordon, a Scottish nobleman who had been elected for a pocket borough in 1774 before winning a seat in London in 1780 led the radicalised Protestant Association which responded violently to the proposed 'Papist Act', which Gordon proclaimed to be the first step towards a Papist absolutist monarchy in Britain. Bowes, an Irish petty nobleman who 'married up' and gained a large fortune by marrying the unstable Dowager Countess of Strathmore & Kinghorne, with whom he had a brutal and tempestuous relationship. A rake, rogue and demagogue, 'Bowes' (his wife's surname which he adopted) ran a demagogic populist campaign in a by-election in Newcastle-upon-Tyne in 1777 and had won with the backing of local radicals. The two men had become leading figures in the now demagogic and deeply anti-Catholic and anti-semitic Radical movement which was increasingly repudiated by more moderate figures like Wilkes. What began as a march by the Association on Parliament would spiral into a week-long explosion of rioting and violence by 'King Mob' with the burning and looting of Catholic chapels, embassies and homes which was allowed to go on due to the weakness of local magistrates and the Bow Street Runners. With Lowther up north with his mistress the government's response was left to Lord North who finally called the Army in and had the Riot Act read, by which time nearly a thousand could be said to have died. Public opinion, rather than coming around to the side of the demonstrators, middle class & elite elements fell in behind the government and began to support some form of Catholic emancipation and an effective police force. Lowther would remain as First Lord until 1781, when his indecision on the Greek Plan of Catherine the Great which partitioned the Ottoman Empire's holdings in the Balkans between Austria and the new Russian puppet states of the Kingdom of Dacia and the Neobyzantine Empire, would finally see him replaced as First Lord.
[9] The appointment of Lord North was a surprisingly competent and wise choice by King George. North, a conservative Ministerialist without any real loyalty to any of the Whig internal factions was a competent administrator and speaker and a master of parliamentary procedure and well regarded by Independents on the opposition benches. Compared to his immediate predecessors, North's administration was largely a quiet affair with no major issues or events defining its existence. North and the King begrudgingly respected each other, with North personally offended by the King's lecherous and libertine lifestyle, while the King found North prudish and boring. Had North come to the Treasury several years sooner then it seems highly likely he would be regarded by historians if not the general public as a good, if not great Prime Minister. Unfortunately for the short-sighted North, his eyesight began to fail him by the mid-1780s, leaving him completely blind by 1787. This, however, would not be the end of his Ministry, with North (albeit with the help of his wife and children to maneuver about) still excelled at his job. It was only with his repeated frustration and increasing annoyance at the King's libertinism and increasingly erratic behaviour that North would throw the towel in later that year, retiring to the backbenches as a well regarded figure by all sides of the House.
[10] While officially North's successor as First Lord was the Duke of Portland, it was commonly accepted that Portland was nothing more than a figurehead for the government's Chancellor and real strongman, Charles James Fox. While Portland was a nominally conservative figure among the Whig party, Fox was a full blown reactionary in his politics. Ever since his father Earl Holland had been forced from power two-decades earlier and the public hollering and cat-calls that the younger Fox had received with his defence of the government during the Wilkes affair, he had been a decidedly reactionary figure. Considering himself a Whig, he nonetheless enjoyed strong relations with the King who shared the libertine lifestyle of Fox and the increasingly authoritarian attitude regarding the parliamentary opposition. Fox's antagonism towards 'mob rule' had been only reinforced by the burning down of his London estate which nearly claimed the lives of his wife, the socialite Isabella Ingraham-Fox and their son, future Prime Minister Robert Henry Fox (b. 1780). Calling 'King Mob' the devil, Fox found himself a welcome figure at Buckingham House (the King's residence in London), while being a figure of hate at the opposition headquarters at Leicester House, the residence of the Princess of Wales. Fox had the opportunity to 'test out' his reactionary and authoritarian inclinations with the outbreak of the Austrian Revolution in 1789, which quickly spiraled into ethnic, class and political strife. Together with his friend Burke, Fox saw the Austrian Revolution as a world apart from the Glorious Revolution and the ordered system it had led to in Britain for a century. In response to various radical pamphlets praising the Revolution including most notably Price's A Discourse on the Love of Our Country and Mackintosh's Vindiciæ Gallicæ, Fox would spearhead the government's introduction of heightened liberal, sedition and treason legislation that has been labelled in some subsequent liberal and Marxist historiography as Fox's Terror. As this was in full swing a weeping Fox was informed of the news that the 'good King' had been felled at the age of 58 at Kensington Palace from a stroke on the evening of the 10th March 1791.
[11] A new age indeed seemed to have been ushered in by the death of George III. The increasingly fat and erratic King with poor popularity among the masses had been replaced by the fresh-faced, young, personally conservative and progressive-tinged Queen Charlotte. As a sign of her continued distaste for her father, she refused to attend his funeral (along with his bastard children), and instead was seen and received well by the urban masses in London who were likely as equally cheered by the death of 'Fat George' as the accession of 'Sweet Charlotte'. While antagonistic towards Fox and the Whigs, Charlotte understood the threat posed by Jacobinism and resolved to 'maintain the measures of government' while replacing the personnel. Within a few weeks the Royal bedchamber had been replaced with mostly Tories, with the cabinet soon to follow. By the reconvening of Parliament in autumn 1791 the new 'Leicester House coalition' had been appointed to office. A mixture of Tories, Pittites and Radicals, collectively referred to as simply 'the Tories' had been placed in office. Tory leader Thomas Grosvernor had been appointed as the government's Commons leader, Pitt the Younger was the new Chancellor, and Shelburne had returned as Lord Privy Seal. The Pitt-Grosvernor government's effective figurehead administrator in place as First Lord was the longtime Maldon MP Bamber Gascoyne the Elder, who brought with him administrative acumen and a knowledge of the running of government office. Promoting a platform of gradual Catholic emancipation, protection of Anglicanism, parliamentary reform, anti-corruption and administrative reform, the government won a fair majority in the hard fought 1792 general election, representing the first shift in government at the polls since 1715. A new age had certainly dawned in an uncertain Kingdom.
 

Time Enough

Civil Rights Cowboy
Pronouns
He/Him
Fight and Be Left:An Alternate Fight and Be Right Prime Ministers List
1897-1905:Joseph Chamberlin (Unionist)

1898 def: (Majority) Arthur Balfour (Conservative), Lord Harington (Liberal), Tom Mann (British Socialist Party), John Redmond (Irish Parliamentary Party), William O'Brein (Irish National Federation), John Dillon (Irish National League)
1902 def: (Majority) Arthur Balfour (Liberal-Conservative), Tom Mann (British Socialist Party), John Redmond (Irish Parliamentary Party), William O'Brein (Irish National Federation), John Dillon (Irish National League)

1905-1908: Richard Haldane (Unionist)
1905 def: (Majority) Arthur Balfour (Liberal-Conservative), Keir Hardie (British Socialist Party), John Redmond (Irish Parliamentary Party), William O'Brein-John Dillon (Irish National Alliance)
1908-1914: Fredrick Cavendish (Liberal-Conservative)
1908 def: (Majority) Richard Haldane (Unionist), Keir Hardie (British Socialist Party), John Redmond (Irish Parliamentary Party), Francis Sheehy-Skeffington (Irish National Alliance)
1911 def: (Majority) Earl Curzon (Unionist), John Burns (British Socialist Party), John Redmond (Irish Parliamentary Party), Francis Sheehy-Skeffington (Irish National Alliance)

1914-1915: Eric Geddes (Committee of National Safety)†
1915-1921: Josiah Wedgwood (Unionist)
1915 def: (Majority) James Connolly (British Socialist Party), Herbert Huntington-Whiteley (Liberal-Conservative), Arthur Griffith (Irish Parliamentary Party), Francis Sheehy-Skeffington (Irish National Alliance)
1920 def: (Liberal-Conservative Confidence & Supply ) Victor Grayson (British Socialist Party), Lord Henry Cavendish-Bentinck (Liberal-Conservative), Arthur Griffith (Irish Parliamentary Party), James Larkin (Irish National Alliance)

1921-1922: Victor Grayson (British Socialist Party)
1921 def: (Irish National Alliance Confidence & Supply ) Josiah Wedgwood (Unionist), Coningsby Disraeli (Liberal-Conservative), Patrick Pearse (Irish Parliamentary Party), James Larkin (Irish National Alliance)
1922-1927: Josiah Wedgwood (Unionist)
1922 def: (Majority) Victor Grayson (British Socialist Party), William Wedgwood Benn (New Democratic), Coningsby Disraeli (Liberal-Conservative), Patrick Pearse (Irish Parliamentary Party), Patrick Thomas Daly (Irish Workers Alliance), Arthur MacManus (British Syndicalist Party)
1927-1929: William Wedgwood Benn (New Democratic)
1927 def: (British Socialist Party Confidence & Supply ) Josiah Wedgwood (Unionist), Edgar Lansbury (British Socialist Party), Stanley Baldwin (Liberal-Conservative), W.T. Cosgrave (Irish Parliamentary Party), Peadar O'Donnell (Irish Workers Alliance), Manny Shinwell (British Syndicalist Party)
1929-1935: Edgar Lansbury (British Socialist Party)
1929 def: (Majority) Austen Chamberlain (Unionist), William Wedgwood Benn (New Democratic), Herbert Samuel (Liberal-Conservative), Eoin O'Duffy (Irish Parliamentary Party), Peadar O'Donnell (Irish Workers Alliance), Manny Shinwell (British Syndicalist Party)
1932 def: (Majority) Austen Chamberlain (Unionist), Egbert Cadbury (New Democratic), Robert Gascoyne-Cecil (Liberal-Conservative), Eoin O'Duffy (Irish National Party), Jack White (Irish Workers Alliance), Manny Shillwell-G.D.H Cole (British Syndicalist Party)

1935-1940: Clement Attlee (Unionist)
1935 def: (Coalition with New Democratic) Edgar Lansbury (British Socialist Party), Egbert Cadbury (New Democratic), Robert Gascoyne-Cecil (Liberal-Conservative), Frank MacDermot (Irish National Party), Jack White (Irish Workers Alliance), G.D.H.Cole (British Syndicalist Party)
1940-: J.F. Horrabin (British Socialist Party)
1940 def: (Majority) Clement Attlee (Unionist), Megan Lloyd-George (New Democratic), Oliver Lyttelton (Liberal-Conservative), J. J. Walsh (Irish National Party), James Larkin Jnr (Irish Workers Alliance), Arthur Horner-R.Palme Dutt (British Syndicalist Party)

So the Unionists cling onto power until 1908 through a mixture of a split opposition,Radical reform and using Nationalist populism when that doesn't work. However when Fredrick Cavendish takes charge the wheels come off slightly between the Radicals and Imperialists, particularly in the aftermath of Earl Curzon loss against Cavendish. When David Lloyd George wins the 1914 nomination for the Unionist leadership and the polls point towards a possible hung parliament with the British Socialist Party being a power broker for a coalition, the Nationalistic elements of the Unionists and Liberal-Conservatives conspire. Inspired by Boulanger the Committee of National Safety is formed and just after Parliament is dissolved, performs a coup with from armed members of the Cadet Force and reactionary elements of the Yeomanry and arrest various 'enemies of the state' mainly consisting of Radicals like Lloyd-George and Socialists like Keir Hardie and there current leader John Burns as well as placing King Albert under house arrest. However there rule is shaky as many Radicals and Socialists are easily hidden and Germany prepares to restore order if things get to that, as Geddes decides to reverse some of the reforms that the Unionists brought in.

The death of King Albert through natural causes is what causes the Committee of National Safety to collapse as people believe that the Committee killed him, a General Strike occurs across the country lead by James Connolly and the Germans support a counter coup lead by Josiah Wedgwood (a former Radical Unionist MP and member of the Yeomanry) and the Committee descends into infighting as it collapses. Geddes kills himself as Wedgwood's men recaptures Parliament.

Wedgwood quickly organises elections with the support of the surviving Unionist, Socialists, Liberal-Conservatives and Irish Members of Parliament and wins a landslide. However Wedgwood’s premiership is turbulent with a recession, a war scare with the Hearst government and increased tensions with the German Government. After he tries to form a shaky agreement with the Liberal-Conservatives, his Government collapses and the British Socialist Party lead by Victor Grayson,manages to get into power...

But it turns out that despite his fiery rhetoric and charisma he’s also a drunk and a pretty terrible politician, fighting his cabinet just as much as the opposition. When the Irish National Alliance pushes for Home Rule, his Government collapses and Josiah Wedgwood comes back in. His second period of Premiership is less controversial, mainly righting the ship and hoping that things go smoothly as he deals with a revitalised opposition from Edgar Lansbury of the BSP and the William Wedgwood Benn of the recently created splinter from the Unionist Party the New Democratic Party alongside increased tensions with Germany. After his 5 years come up Josiah tries to get back in, only for the Jutland Crisis nearly causing a War with the German Empire. Despite managing to bring about peace, the people decide that there done with Josiah Wedgwood and replace him with the other Wedgwood. But Benn’s shaky premiership relying on the support of the British Socialist Party doesn’t inspire anything. But Edgar Lansbury, son of the Left Wing Martyr George does.

Edgar Lansbury’s premiership is more successful, his pacifist inclinations allow for Britain to avoid war scares, his Socialist values help push forward a renewed Co-Operative and Trade Unionist values (which also deadens the increasing popularity of the British Syndicalist Party) and he ends his rule still a popular and well respected leader. Sadly his party isn’t seen like that and the calm, dulcet leadership of Attlee banging the drum of restoring Britain’s position in the World whilst helping the working class too, manages to get him in (with help from the New Democrats).

After a few colonial wars that go wrong, a recession and the increasing likelihood that Britain and Germany will be heading towards War, Attlee is ousted and the eccentric and charismatic former cartoonist and Socialist political superstar J.F.Horrabin is brought. Now can he navigate the increasingly chance of a new European War and bring about Democratic Socialism in Britain and it’s Imperial Federation? Or will he fail? Whatever happens the World will still keep on spinning.
 
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