1861-1862: William Seward / Andrew H. Reeder (Republican) 1860: Samuel Houston / Robert C. Winthrop (Constitutional “Southern” Unionist) John C. Breckinridge / Isaac Toucey (Constitutional “Southern” Democratic), Stephen A. Douglas / James A. Seddon (National “Northern” Democratic) 1862-1863: Brvt. Lt. Gen. George B. McClellan / Mj. Gen. John A. McClernand (Independent)
1863-1865: Samuel S. “Sunset” Cox / Horace Greeley (National Unionist) [Acting]
1865-1873: George B. McClellan / Andrew Johnson (National Unionist) 1864: John C. Fremont / Lovell H. Rousseau (Radical Democratic),Franklin Pierce / Clement L. Vallandigham (Straight-Out Democratic), Abraham Lincoln / Ambrose E. Burnside (Republican) [Proscribed 10.64]
1868: Francis P. Blair, Jr. / John T. Hoffman (Independent National Unionist) 1873: George B. McClellan / Andrew Johnson (National Unionist) [Self-Proclaimed] 1872: Charles F. Adams, Sr. / William Saulsbury (Liberal) 1873-1877: Elihu B. Washburne / Daniel E. Sickles (Republican) [Acting, Congressional Appointment]
1877-1881: Daniel E. Sickles / John A. Logan (Republican) 1876: John Cochrane / Cassius M. Clay (Liberal), Lewis Wallace (National “Peace” Democratic)
The Election of President Seward in 1861 proved for a generation of Americans to be an utter disaster. From the Baltimore Uprising and the Secession of Kentucky in the first half of 1861 to the Autumn of 1862 Seward would veer between fierce determination and panic. The Emancipation Proclamation, announced just days before the disastrous battle of South Mountain tore the nation apart even further. After The Peninsula, John Pope and then the bloody battles of Harper's Ferry and Point of Rocks trust in the administration hit new lows. Two months after Joe Johnson's escape from Maryland, Seward and his War Secretary Edward Bates attempted to relive George McClellan from his command. In response the Army of the Potomac mutinied and marched on Washington. Seward was arrested and Reeder was forced to flee to Canada. Supreme leadership in his hands McClellan sought to cement his leadership with the trappings of legality while dispatching Fitz John Porter south to defeat Lee. The Battles of Mine Run and Chancellorsville followed, bloody affairs but form them McClellan thought he could assume a position of strength for Negotiations, and thus accepted the Franco-British-Russian offer of a half-year ceasefire for negotiations. Negotiations though in Halifax, Nova Scotia proved impossible and McClellan passed off control to his chosen Congressional Puppet to sign the de-facto permanent peace with the Confederacy before returning to supreme leadership in the most corrupt election in American History. It would be nearly a decade until the pressures of his flawed regime and its awkward peace saw further revolt. The Union would be shaken by Grant's March in 1873, and while Grant would have proven an able leader in the third Civil War that came on the heels of this second, he felt required to accept exile for his actions, leaving leadership in the hands of a restored, radicalized and determined Republican Party who would move on the collapsing Confederacy with a mixture of guile, bribery, diplomacy and in the end overwhelming firepower, and the power of a newly ratified and transformative Constiution.
"Where she stands, we stand; where she goes, we go."
1935 - 1940: Michael Joseph Savage (Labour) 1935 def. George Forbes (United-Reform Coalition), Harold Rushworth (Country), Eruera Tirikatene (Ratana), Albert Davy (Democrat)
1938 def. Charles Wilkinson (National)
1940 - 1945: John A. Lee (Labour) 1941 def. Jack Massey (National), Gus Mansford (United Liberal Co-operative)
1945 - 1951: Sidney 'Sid' Holland (National) 1945 def. John A. Lee (Labour), Gus Mansford (Cooperative)
1948 def. John A. Lee (Labour), Alfred Allen (Cooperative)
1951 - 1955: John A. Lee (Labour) 1951 (minority)def. Sidney Holland (National), Alfred Allen (Cooperative)
1952 def. Ronald Algie (National)
1955 - 1957: Arnold Nordmeyer (Labour) 1955 def. Keith Holyoake (National)
1957 - 1963: Walter Nash (Labour) 1958 def. Keith Holyoake (National), Vern Cracknell (Cooperative)
1961 def. Ralph Hanan (National), Vern Cracknell (Cooperative)
1963 - 1964: Hugh Watt (Labour)
1964 - 1970: Ralph Hanan (National) 1964 def. Hugh Watt (Labour), Vern Cracknell (Cooperative)
1967 def. Bill Rowling (Labour), Gerald O'Brien (Cooperative)
1970 - 1974: Wallace 'Bill' Rowling (Labour) 1970 def. Ralph Hanan (National), Gerald O'Brien (Cooperative)
1973 (minority) def. Ralph Hanan (National), Gerald O'Brien (Cooperative)
1974 - 1976: Ralph Hanan (National) 1974 Hamilton West by-election: National gain majority from Labour
1976 - 1979: Brian Talboys (National) 1976 def. Robert Tizard (Labour), Bruce Beetham (Cooperative)
1979 - 1990: Whetu Tirikatene-Sullivan (Labour) 1979 def. Brian Talboys (National), Bruce Beetham (Cooperative),
1982 def. George Gair (National), Robert Muldoon (New Zealand Party), Bruce Beetham (Cooperative)
1985 def. Jim Bolger (National), Robert Muldoon and Bruce Beetham (NZ Party-Cooperative Alliance)
1988 def. Jim Bolger (National), Bob Jones (Alliance), Robert Muldoon (NZ Party [Continuity])
1990 - 1997: Bryan Gould (Labour) 1991 def. Jim Bolger (National), Bob Jones (Alliance), Koro Wētere (He Tāngata)
1994 def. Katherine O'Regan (National), Bob Jones (Alliance), Tau Henare (He Tāngata)
1997 - 2007: Alexander 'Alec' Smith (National) 1997 def. Bryan Gould (Labour), Bob Jones (Alliance), Dover Samuels (He Tāngata)
2000 def. Peter Hodgson (Labour), Maurice Williamson (Alliance), Dover Samuels (He Tāngata)
2001 def. Steve Maharey (Labour), Maurice Williamson (Alliance), Ngātata Love (He Tāngata)
2004 def. Mark Prebble (Labour), Maurice Williamson (Alliance), Tariana Turia (He Tāngata)
2007 def. Jim Anderton (Labour), Maurice Williamson (Alliance), Tariana Turia (He Tāngata), Peter Dunne (Christian Democratic)
2007 - 2010: Timothy Groser (National)
2010 - 2016: David Cunliffe (Labour-Alliance coalition) 2010 (coalition) def. Timothy Groser (National), David Shearer (Alliance), Pita Sharples (He Tāngata), Peter Dunne (Christian Democratic), Kennedy Graham (Green)
2013 (coalition) def. Nick Smith (National),David Shearer (Alliance), Hone Harawira (He Tāngata), Aupito William Sio (Christian Democratic), Julie Anne Genter (Green)
2016 - 2019: Clare Curran (Labourwith confidence and supply from Christian Democratic) 2016 (minority) def. Simon English (National), Marama Davidson (He Tāngata), Chris Hipkins (Alliance), Julie Anne Genter (Green), Aupito William Sio (Christian Democratic)
2019 - 0000: Shane Jones (Labourminority government)
Ronald Reagan Democratic 1981-
1989 vice president Gary Hart
William Jefferson Rockefeller 1989-1997 Republican
Ross perrot Independent Dan choat 1997-2001
John Kerry Democratic Joe leiberman
1.In the 1950s R.R. is encouraged by Democrats to run for congress which he does.later in the 60s he becomes u.s. senator of California.By 1980 he is popular enough to primarry Carter to win D. Nomination then defeat Bush in a landslide.Democrats become more conservative in the 80s.defeats senator Baker in landslide.
2.His mother married Winthrope Rockefeller after both spouses have passed on. Rockefeller is moderate Republican married to miss Arkansas 1974. President during great economic boom of the 1990s.
3. Tied with Hoover as absolute worst president.blamed for early great recession.
4. Ex veitnam solider.trying to unite both conservative and liberal wings of the party when both sides of congress are controled by opposition.
1993-1995: Bill Clinton (Democratic) 1992 (with Al Gore) def. George Bush (Republican), Ross Perot (Independent)
1995-1997: Al Gore (Democratic)
1997-2005: Colin Powell (National Unity) 1996 (with Al Gore) def. Ross Perot (Reform), Pat Buchanan (Taxpayers')
2000 (with Al Gore) def. Pat Buchanan (Reform), Dick Lamm (Progressive Conservative)
2005-2009: Al Gore (National Unity) 2004 (with Ben Nighthorse Campbell) def. Lincoln Chafee (Progressive Conservative), Bo Gritz (Reform), Bernie Sanders (Liberty Union)
2009-2011: Ben Nighthorse Campbell (National Unity) 2008 (vacant) def. Chuck Baldwin (Reform), Mike Gravel (Liberty Union), Fred Thompson (Progressive Conservative)
2011-2012: Dennis Hastert (National Unity)
2012-2012: Thomas Robb (Reform leading National Directorate)
2012-2013: David Petraeus (Nonpartisan leading Provisional Military Administration)
2013-2017: Joe Biden (New Democratic) 2012 (with John McCain) def. Jon Huntsman Jr. (Progressive Conservative), Ralph Nader (Liberty Union), [BANNED] (Reform)
2017-2021: David Petraeus (Independent) 2016 (with Jim Webb) def. Danny DeVito (Liberty Union), Virgil Goode (Constitution)
Welcome to America's so-called Third Republic, founded after the attempted Apocalypse Coup of 2012, as now-President Petraeus established the modern Regulated Democracy. A true Republic, as the founders intended, not the mob rule to which we nearly succumbed. Those institutions are still but fresh however, vulnerable to assault by a sufficiently determined attack. The sheer momentum of the hysterically leftist Liberty Union saw Petraeus come to the rescue of our democracy once again, earning the endorsement of both the NDP and the PCP. And who can accuse the President of being a military dictator in all but name, when he allowed the Constitutionalists to register, ensuring that when voters compared the three main candidacies it was clear who was the candidate of the stolid common sense of the centre.
How did we get here? I suppose it began in 1993, with the apprehension and later death in hospital of David Khoresh. At least that's how Timothy McVeigh described it. In March 1993 as he stalked over the ashen ruins of Khoresh's Waco compound, he settled upon the plan that would etch his name into history. He embarked upon an ambitious series of assassinations - beginning with Attorney General Janet Reno and concluding with that President Bill Clinton. His actions would inspire similar 'lone wolf' killings and attacks, and law enforcement was hard pressed to keep up. And so President Al Gore made his famous compact with the suggested Republican nominee.
The election of a black man, in what was seen by the conspiratorial right as a rigged election, only saw the militia movement grow. Powell did what he could, bringing anti-insurgency tactics used abroad to the shores of home, but the less extreme branches of the militia were shielded by the presence and growth of the Reform Party. The seeming success of Powell's tactics and then the formal election of Al Gore in 2004, led to assumptions that a return to normalcy was just around the corner - though the persistence of the PCP and the emergence of the Liberty Union from their Vermont stronghold onto the national stage put the lie to that.
The financial crash was kindling for the smouldering coals of insurgency, and resulted in a hung electoral college but the NU dominated Senate handily put Campbell into place - another non-white President was only fuel for the fire. It shouldn't have been a surprise that he became a victim to a militia slaying - and the ascension of Speaker Hastert was the perfect accelerant that turned the fire into an inferno. The revelation of the man's indiscretions sparked widespread outrage, and many turned a sympathetic ear to the conspiracy theories of the militias even if they had treated them with incredulity before. This was the atmosphere in which the National Directorate seized power, as the Reform Party grandees believed their time was come and not a second could be wasted.
It was ironic - if they had but waited they would probably have won in 2012. As it was, Petraeus' Regulated Democracy saw the Overton Window radically shifted. But even if the acceptable range of public opinion has been reduced, that has not saved America from the bloodletting. A new siege around another compounds seems to begin every other week, and the militias clash openly with the Liberty Union's own soldiers clad in black and red. The streets of the cities are as lost to conventional law and order as thoroughly as the rural hinterlands - a fact that goes unreflected in a Congress and Presidency carefully kept on the illusionary centre ground.
Electoral History of Francis Fisher
1905: Member of the House of Representatives for City of Wellington (Independent Liberal) 1905 (by) def: Charles Izard (Liberal), John Hutcheson (Liberal-Labour) 1905: Member of the House of Representatives for City of Wellington (New Liberal)
1905-1908: Member of the House of Representatives for Wellington Central (New Liberal) 1905 def: Patrick O'Regan (Liberal), Albert Cooper (Independent Labour League) 1908-1910: Member of the House of Representatives for Wellington Central (Independent) 1908 def: Thomas William Hislop (Independent) 1910-1914: Member of the House of Representatives for Wellington Central (Reform) 1911 (1st ballot) def: Robert Fletcher (Liberal), Tom Young (Labour), Frank Freeman (Socialist)
1911 (2nd ballot) def: Robert Fletcher (Liberal)
1914 def by: Robert Fletcher (Liberal) 1912-1914: Minister of Customs and Marine
1914-1919: Private Citizen
1919-1920: Member of the House of Commons for Widnes (Conservative) 1919 (by) def: Arthur Henderson (Labour) 1920-1921: Member of the House of Commons for Widnes (Independent Parliamentary Group)
1921-1928: Member of the House of Commons for Widnes (Conservative) 1922 def: Joe Cotter (Labour)
1923 def: Joe Cotter (Labour), H. T. Ellis (Liberal)
1924 def: Joe Cotter (Labour) 1928-1931: Member of the House of Commons for Widnes (Labour) 1929 def: Christopher Clayton (Conservative) 1931: Member of the House of Commons for Widnes (New Party)
1931: Member of the House of Commons for Widnes (Independent)
1931-1942: Member of the House of Commons for Widnes (National Labour) 1931 def: Alexander Gordon Cameron (Labour)
1935 def: Alexander Gordon Cameron (Labour) 1942-1943: Member of the House of Commons for Widnes (National Independent)
1943-1945: Member of the House of Commons for Widnes (Liberal National) 1945 def by: Christopher Shawcross (Labour)
Known in OTL as 'Rainbow Fisher' for his frequent defections, Francis Fisher was - in this TL - referred to as Francis 'Fucking' Fisher.
Starting off as a left-leaning Liberal, Fisher initially tried to make a new radical party A Thing, but this fizzled out and he eventually decided to join the centre-right Reform Party, in whose interest he joined Cabinet. Everything went wrong in 1914, though, and upon his rejection at the ballot box he emigrated to Britain.
Once there, Fisher was once more infected with the bug for politics, and put himself forward as the Tory candidate for Widnes in a 1919 by-election, in which he defeated Arthur Henderson. But he hadn't given up his youthful radicalism, and as the Baldwin Government grew stodgier while refusing for some reason to make him a Minister again (possibly related to his foolhardy defection, gripped by a fear of Communism, to a party run by the fraudster Horatio Bottomley), Fisher made the momentous decision to join the Socialists - largely because he could never hold the Widnes seat as a Liberal. Falling into an economically heterodox, he was enthusiastic about Oswald Mosley's New Party at first, but pulled away as Mosley edged further and further towards fascism. Fisher desired Action, not play-acting - and action was what he got when Ramsay MacDonald made the momentous decision to govern with the Tories.
Fisher joined the National Labour faction in the new Government but was still without a ministerial position. A further indignity assailed him when the local Conservatives toyed with the idea of standing a candidate against him. Nobody likes a turncoat, as Fisher had learned on numerous occasions. But the national party overruled the local Association and Fisher was assured of a seat as long as he could deliver some of the working-class vote to the National Government.
After MacDonald's retirement and death, and increasingly one the wartime coalition took effect, there was little point in continuing the National Labour Organisation, and as such Fisher gave up on party meetings and became an Independent supporter of Churchill. Like others formerly of National Labour, though, he drifted into the category of the Liberal Nationals, to whom his banner was pinned when he retired from politics after one final defeat in 1945. A member of nine parties and two national parliaments, Rainbow Fisher will take some beating in the stakes of Least Popular Parliamentarian In The Tearoom.
Inspired by UM's list, here is an antipodean party switcher in Britain taken to the logical extreme.
Electoral History of William "Billy" Hughes
1894-1901: Member of the New South Wales Legislative Assembly for Sydney-Lang (Labor Electoral League) 1894 def: John FitzGerald (Protectionist), John Taylor (Free Trade), John Butler (Independent Free Trade)
1895 def: John Taylor (Independent Free Trade), Henry Foran (Independent Free Trade) John Anderson (Independent Protectionist)
1898 def: Joseph Chuck (National Federal), John Strachan (Independent), David Fealy (Independent Federalist) 1901-1916: Member of the House of Representatives for West Sydney (Labor) 1901 def: James Beer (Protectionist)James Hanrahan (Independent Protectionist)
1903 def: Edward Warren (Free Trade)
1906 def: James Burns (Anti-Socialist)
1910 def: Stanley Cole (Liberal)Harry Holland (Socialist)
1913 def: John Sutton (Liberal)
1914 def: Walter Finch (Liberal) 1904: Minister for External Affairs
1908-1909, 1910-1913: Attorney General
1916-1917: Member of the House of Representatives for West Sydney (National Labor)
1917: Member of the House of Representatives for West Sydney (Nationalist)
1917-1920: Member of the House of Representatives for Bendigo (Nationalist) 1917 def: Alfred Hampson (Labor)
1919 def: Alfred Hampson (Labor) 1920: Member of the House of Representatives for Bendigo (Independent)
1920: Member of the House of Representatives for Bendigo (Australian) 1920 def by: Alfred Hampson (Labor)Edmund Jowett (Country)
1920 def by (Two Party pref): Edmund Jowett (Country) 1914-1920: Attorney General
1915-1920: Prime Minister of Australia
1920-1922: Private Citizen 1922-1923: Member of Parliament for Merioneth (National Liberal) 1922 def: Henry Hayden Jones (Liberal), John Jones Roberts (Labour) 1923-1931: Member of Parliament for Merioneth (Liberal) 1923 def: John Jones Roberts (Labour)
1924 def: John Jones Roberts (Labour), Robert Vaughan (Conservitive)
1929 def: John Jones Roberts (Labour), Charles Phibbs (Conservitive) 1931-1937: Member of Parliament for Merioneth (Liberal National) 1931 def: James Henry Howards (Labour), Charles Phibbs (Conservative)
1935 def: Thomas Jones (Labour),Charles Phibbs (Conservative) 1937-1939: Member of Parliament for Merioneth (Independent) 1939-1945: Member of Parliament for Merioneth (Independent National)
1939-1941: Minister for the Coordination of Defence
1941-1945: Prime Minister of the United Kingdom
Billy Hughes is one of the great enigmas of the 20th century. A man who was a thousand different things to a thousand different people, from a young labour organiser in New South Wales, to a member of one of the first Labor party governments in the world, to a man willing to sacrifice his own principles to try and win a war, To a man who sacrificed the success of the party he founded out of an ego that wouldn’t let himself go into government on anything but his own terms, to a backbench rabble-rouser in the parliament of his motherland to finally and most famously being the man who stood up to German tyranny and lead the free world through its darkest hour, Billy Hughes in his journey across the political spectrum will stand as a testament to the fact you could never count the “Little Digger” out.
The POD is that the Nationalists do worse at the 1919 election and the Country Party organises faster, leading to the rest of the Nationalists presenting Hughes with an ultimatum, either form a coalition with the Country party or get kicked out. Hughes chooses the latter and after trying to repeat the trick of founding a new party, he is defeated narrowly on preferences after this stance is not seen as principled but rather egocentric in Ballarat. At this point, he gets in touch with his old friend Lloyd George and decides that if Australia does not respect perhaps his homeland will. A combination of his celebrity, uncompromising pro-veteran stance, union bona fides and knowledge of Welsh, allows him to get elected in Wales. Through the 20’s and 30’s he gets battered around by the constantly changing situation of the Liberal party, eventually splitting over appeasement, a policy he is very strongly against being almost obsessive about a potential German threat. When war breaks out he formally rejoins the government, and given his experience is given Minister for Coordination of Defence. Thus when the Norway Crisis comes, despite his personal belligerence, he is an obvious choice to lead the War Government on account of his anti-appeasement stance, First World War experience, political moderation and potential to bring the Dominions together, at least as a stop-gap, given his age. And so of all men Billy Hughes is tapped to lead Britain in its hour of need.
1948-1951: Östen Undén (Social Democrat leading Social Democratic-CommunistDemocratic Coalition) 1948: Social Democratic 94, Liberal 43, Communist 42, Agrarian 32, Conservative 19
1950 constitutional amendment referendums: Yes 86,4%, No 13,6%
1951-1957: Östen Undén (United Workers' Party leading Democratic Front) 1952: Democratic Front (UWP-Agrarian-Democratic-National Democratic) 230
1956: Democratic Front (UWP-Agrarian-Democratic-National Democratic) 230
1957-1969: Fritjof Lager (United Workers' Party leading Democratic Front) 1960: Democratic Front (UWP-Agrarian-Democratic-National Democratic) 230
1964: Democratic Front (UWP-Agrarian-Democratic-National Democratic) 230
1968: Democratic Front (UWP-Agrarian-Democratic-National Democratic) 230
1969-1971: Hilding Hagberg (United Workers' Party leading Democratic Front) 1970 constitutional referendum: Yes 99,4%, No 0,6%
1971-1989: Hilding Hagberg (United Workers' Party leading National Front) 1972: National Front (UWP-Agrarian-Democratic-National Democratic) 278, independents 22
1976: National Front (UWP-Agrarian-Democratic-National Democratic) 281, independents 19
1980: National Front (UWP-Agrarian-Democratic-National Democratic) 288, independents 12
1984: National Front (UWP-Agrarian-Democratic-National Democratic) 285, independents 15
1988: National Front (UWP-Agrarian-Democratic-National Democratic) 283, independents 17
1989-1991: Thage G. Peterson (United Workers' Party leading National Front) 1990 constitutional referendum: Yes 76,9%, No 23,1% 1991-1991: Thage G. Peterson (Social Democracy majority)
1991-1993: Bengt Westerberg (Modern Democrat leading Modern Democrat-Agrarian-Change Alliance-Liberal-Democratic AlternativeFreedom Alliance) 1991: Social Democracy 63, Modern Democrats 47, Agrarian League 42, Change Alliance 39, Liberal Platform 35, Moderates 28, Democratic Alternative 27, People's Coalition 16, Scania Party 3
1993-1994: Bengt Westerberg (Modern Democrat leading Modern Democrat-Change Alliance Freedom Alliance) 1994 public assets referendum: Yes 75,2%, No 24,8% (invalidated due to low turnout)
1994-1995: Olof Johansson (Agrarian minority)
1995-1998: Ian Wachtmeister (New Alternative leading New Alternative-Freedom-Moderate coalition) 1995: New Alternative 76, United Left 66, Freedom Alliance 48, Agrarian League 38, Moderates 29, Liberal Platform 21, People's Coalition 12, Democratic Alternative 10
1996 term limit referendum: Yes 46,3%, No 52,7%
1998-1999: Bengt Westerberg (Freedom minority)
1999-2003: Lars Ohly (United Left leading United Left-Agrarian coalition) 1999: United Left 121, Freedom Alliance 52, Agrarian League 36, Moderates 31, National Democrats 21, People's Coalition 14, New Alternative 12, Democratic Alternative 7, liberal.nu 6
The years after the fall of the Berlin Wall saw no government stay in power for more than a single term. With the communists having negotiated an end to their reign, and the country's economy being let loose and handed to foreign conglomerates and ex-apparatchiks at bargain prices, it seemed like Sweden's problems were too large for anyone to adequately resolve in four years. And so the wheel kept on spinning.
First came the Freedom Coalition, led by a charismatic paint seller's son from Södertälje who preached the gospel of the free market like no one else. Privatisation was modernisation and modernisation was privatisation, so said the public information slogan, and Westerberg pushed so hard that his broad coalition eventually gave way. The slimmed-down and rationalised Westerberg II cabinet turned to the people to implement their policies, as the new constitution let them do, but the people just weren't interested, and so they passed the baton to the most inoffensive interim leader anyone could find. The 1995 elections made a bonfire of the Freedomites, who barely held on to the result of Westerberg's pre-merger party.
Then came the (ig)noble count and his quixotic bunch of idealists, populists, demagogues, or whichever word you like. Wachtmeister came in from a different direction, and with wind in his back, he proceeded to give the country the new deodorant it needed after decades of communist stench. To him, the problem had been, and remained, the presence of the same people as before the Change in positions of power. The people surprisingly disagreed, and so did a number of his MPs - to them, the problem was first and foremost a basic lack of national pride. It was a backbench revolt that brought down Wachtmeister in the end, and another placeholder was found - a somewhat surprising choice, as Westerberg's rump party had been part of Wachtmeister's coalition.
In 1999, the Swedes once again decided a new tack needed to be taken - but this time, it looked, walked, talked and smelled quite a lot like a very old tack...
It's not really meant to be analogous to any individual Eastern Bloc country, but there's probably a fair amount of Poland in there (for which you can blame @Heat), and Wachtmeister's foray is meant as kind of a TOP 09 equivalent.
1.Coolidge runs for another additional term great depression is not as bad a sit was in real life.
2.Wallace becomes Democratic nominee. Cooldige decides against third term.u.s. enters war earlier no pearl harbor. Wallace serves many terms no cold war. no division between east and west Berlin. dies in office.
3.j.f.k succeeds Wallace as president of the United States.former Nazi scientist now living in Vietnam drop atomic weapon for first time. u.s and Russia fight in Europe for brief time. u.s. goes into recession.defeated for 2nd term. 4. Nixon gets European alies to fight in Cuba .Cuba becomes u.s. nation, u.s. scientist developed atomic weapon try to keep it out of hand s of Russians still controlled by the mighty czars.
5.Goldwater gets into office on fears of american public as it looks like Russia may developed atomic bomb and invade eurpe while this may not happen Iranian crisis destroys Goldwater first term, defeated for reelection.
6.Carter makes sure Israel or any other middle east country gets the atomic weapon.also makes ties with the czars in Russia the granddaughter of Grand Duchess Anastasia Nikolaevna of Russia.who now controls the common wealth of Russia.
7.Popular actor .star of Ozzie and Harriet radio and t.v.show. also a singer performer as well in the 1950s
rebuild u.s. depleting military, immigration reform was also a issue in his term in office.
8.First Black president. general gulf war. only sought one term was president when the first man went into space. Russia and u.s. began a competitive space race each developing rockets to go into space.
9. First female president signed bill for environmental laws and signed trade deal with japan which has not been recognised a sovergn country since the end of world war 2.
1933-1945: Franklin D. Roosevelt (Democratic) 1932 (with John Nance Garner) def. Herbert Hoover (Republican)
1936 (with John Nance Garner) def. Alf Landon (Republican)
1940 (with Henry A. Wallace) def. Wendell Willkie (Republican)
1945-1949: Henry A. Wallace (Democratic) 1944 (with Paul V. McNutt) def. Thomas E. Dewey (Republican), Harry F. Byrd (Conservative)
1949-1957: Douglas MacArthur (Republican) 1948 (with Harold Stassen) def. Henry A. Wallace (Democratic)
1952 (with Harold Stassen) def. Claude Pepper (Democratic)
America gets into WW2 over some naval thing in the Atlantic - Japan doesn't really get directly involved in WW2 ITTL. The war in Europe is over by early 1944, and FDR decides to retire. Wallace is seen as one of the architects of the post-war peace in Europe, allowing him to win in 1944 despite doubts amongst conservatives within his own party. By 1948 however, a new Red Scare had put his work in Europe in a different light, and his attempts to impose harsher sanctions upon the Japanese Empire in the face of the increasingly Communist dominated insurgency in China led to Douglas MacArthur's victory on a platform of resisting Communism and turning Japan into an ally in that struggle in Asia, in the place of the ailing European empires.
ive been watching the mandalorian and its so good and i wanted to do a star wars list
a surprise to be sure, but a welcome one
'The Empire is America 10 years from now' v2
1961-1964: John F. Kennedy (Democratic) 1960 (with Lyndon B. Johnson) def. Richard Nixon (Republican)
1964 (with Stuart Symington) def. Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. (Republican), George Wallace (Independent)
1964-1965: Lyndon B. Johnson (Democratic)
1965-1966: disputed between Lyndon B. Johnson (Democratic) and Stuart Symington (Democratic)
1966-1974: Richard Nixon (Republican) 1965 (with Barry Goldwater) def. Lyndon B. Johnson (Democratic), George Wallace (Democratic), Stuart Symington (Democratic)
1969 (with John Connally) def. George Wallace (Democratic), Eugene McCarthy (Progressive)
1974-1975: John Connally (Republican) 1973 (with Jim Rhodes) def. George Wallace (Democratic), Pete McCloskey (Independent)
1975-1977: Jim Rhodes (Republican)
1977-1979: William Westmoreland (Military, backed by Republicansand Democrats)
1979-1987: Richard Nixon (National Union) 1978 (with Sam Yorty) def. John Rarick (Independent)
1982 (with Robert Byrd) def. John Rarick (Southern Union), Lowell Weicker (Independent)
1983: Congress is dissolved, wide discretionary powers are delegated to State Governors - at this point, all Governors are members of the National Union or the puppet party Southern Union
with this take, im aiming less for parallelism and more for what george lucas was getting at in the following initial draft
"Theme: Aquilae is a small independent country like North Vietnam threatened by a neighbor or provincial rebellion, instigated by gangsters aided by empire. Fight to get rightful planet back. Half of system has been lost to gangsters . . . The Empire is like America ten years from now, after gangsters assassinated the Emperor and were elevated to power in a rigged election . . . We are at a turning point: fascism or revolution".
I read Kirkpatrick Sale's Dwellers in the Land and tried to figure out how we would get a bioregional America by the book's publication date.
United States Directors of National Planning 1935-1940: Rexford Tugwell (Democratic) (serving under Franklin D. Roosevelt) 1940-1947: David Lilienthal (Independent) (serving under Franklin D. Roosevelt and William O. Douglas) 1947-1953: Lewis Mumford (Independent) (serving under William O. Douglas)
United States Directors of National Development 1953: Robert Moses (Republican) (serving under Robert Taft and Lucius D. Clay) 1953-1963: James Rouse (Democratic) (serving under Lucius D. Clay and Richard Nixon) 1963-1965: Floyd Dominy (Republican) (serving under Richard Nixon)
United States Directors of Regional Planning 1965-1969: Lewis Mumford (Independent) (serving under William O. Douglas) 1969-1977: Floyd Dominy (Republican) (serving under John J. Rhodes) 1977-1979: Jane Jacobs (Independent) (serving under Joe Edwards) 1979-1985: Hector Macpherson, Jr. (Republican) (serving under Joe Edwards) 1985-1989: Maynard Jackson (Democratic) (serving under Cliff Finch) 1989-1991: Kirkpatrick Sale (The Movement) (serving under LaDonna Harris)
Convenors of the United States Regional Assembly 1991-0000: Al Gore (nonpartisan)
The Greenbelt Towns, Rex Tugwell’s centrally planned and cooperatively owned suburbs, represented the height of the New Deal – but also its limits. Even Congressional liberals only begrudgingly funded the project, which smacked not merely of typical Rooseveltian populism but of the diktats of Gosplan in Bolshevik Russia. In some places, federal surveyors setting out the Towns faced hostility and violence from locals who feared the “red colonies” that were to come, with their rows of Art Deco apartment blocks. With uncharacteristic humility, Tugwell accepted help from an outside source: Lewis Mumford and the Regional Plan Association of America. The critic and his friends believed in careful development, permaculture, and the creation of communities which were based in, and acted as stewards of, their landscape. Mumford advised Tugwell’s National Planning Office to consult with locals and to plan democratically before drawing up a Greenbelt Town. Drawing on the work of sociologist Howard Odum, Mumford and Tugwell developed a list of several hundred distinct American regions. Each one’s distinct geographical and cultural features would be carefully taken into account during development. Only a few more Greenbelt Towns were built after the RPAA’s intervention, although these are some of the most iconic and well-loved suburban cities in the nation – all built to human scale and integrated into their natural environment. Instead, the Planning Office began to draw up projections for each region’s future growth. This was to be its most important legacy.
As war neared, Tugwell and his social engineering schemes were eased out of the picture. The Directorate’s stores of research were too useful to scrap, however, and they were passed to David Lilienthal, the head of the Tennessee Valley Authority. Lilienthal was instructed to use the regions as a blueprint for industrial mobilization across state lines, essentially taking the TVA model national. He simplified the web of small regions drawn up by Tugwell and Mumford. Their number was reduced to around forty, mostly mapped onto major watersheds, aquifers, and existing transportation and fuel distribution networks, and these were no mere lines on a map. Each was a government agency, run by an administrator who reported directly to Lilienthal. Like the TVA, these regions had their own police forces and housing bureaus for the legions of men and women hired to operate the power facilities which the government was busily purchasing or constructing. (The RPAA guidelines were largely disregarded during this wave of hasty wartime construction.)
After V-J Day, it was widely assumed that the “War Regions” would be abolished as part of demobilization. Their usurpation of powers traditionally reserved to the states had been extremely unpopular among the political class. (The classic noir In theLong Run , with John Garfield as the young Eastern-born planner whose reputation is systematically destroyed by a crooked California state senator, is required viewing for those interested in the era.) However, the new President was even more enamored with radical experiments than Roosevelt had been, and Bill Douglas thought that planning deserved another hearing. With Tugwell now disqualified by his flirtation with the Communist Party, Douglas skipped the middleman and gave the regions directly to Lewis Mumford.
Their remit was smaller – it was widely understood that dam construction, for instance, had to go back to its traditional home at Reclamation (or was that the Army Corps of Engineers?) – but the regions now mustered their wartime experience and professional staff to create dense, collaboratively designed suburban communities.
However, the delicate process took time, and by 1952, only thirty of a projected 250 projects had been completed. There was talk of a housing crisis for young veterans and their families – a much-exaggerated issue but one with emotional heft. The Republicans pledged to fire Mumford and to either abolish the regions or to use them solely to facilitate rapid private-sector housebuilding. The charge that Douglas was keeping GIs homeless ranks up there with his push for desegregation in explaining Robert Taft’s upset victory in 1952.
Robert Moses, the celebrated planner who had effectively controlled several War Regions during the late conflict, was recruited to direct Taft’s “Homes for Heroes” effort. However, his vision of verdant automobile suburbs accessed by immense superparkways would have no time to spread beyond the New York metro area. Bob Taft’s cancer was diagnosed even before he had even been sworn in as President, and his term lasted only months. His successor, a political newcomer, was initially willing to keep Moses on, but the builder fell afoul of the freshly appointed Vice President Nixon, a middle-class conservative wary of technocrats (and suspicious of Jews). Nixon arranged for Moses’s alleged corruption to be exposed, and he retreated to New York to guard his fiefdoms, a diminished force.
President Clay’s replacement, James Rouse, a business Democrat and a real estate developer himself, was no less shady than Moses but was uninterested in megalithic construction projects. As with most political issues of the day, the Clay administration would just let the private sector sort it out – helped along with generous tax breaks, regulatory exemptions, and eye-wateringly generous grants. The regions shed staff and became a limp, invisible layer of government as sprawl spread across the landscape. Like many other members of the Clay and Nixon administrations, Rouse used his long tenure to enrich himself. The revelations about his consulting relationship with crooked Maryland business mogul Spiro Agnew were part of the explosive cocktail of corruption, labor unrest, and war fatigue that shattered the old two-party system in the mid-1960s. Nixon replaced Rouse with Floyd Dominy, the dam-happy, pro-development chief of the Bureau of Reclamation, reviving Lilienthalism as part of his attempts to grant the Republican Party populist appeal. Unfortunately for Nixon, all the pork-barrel spending in the world couldn’t assuage the radiation-poisoned veterans of the China War or their outraged families.
Douglas picked up right back where he’d left off, reappointing Lewis Mumford to the rebranded Office of Regional Planning. This time, however, the two were radicalized, unfettered by partisan politics, and held a position of command over a fractured Congress. With the help of allies outside Washington – many of them ex-Republicans such as Tom McCall and Harold LeVander – Mumford stripped power from his own office, transforming the regions into elected bodies that both democratized the physical landscape and provided the President’s independent bloc with a new base of power. They shrank and multiplied, until there were several hundred in the continental United States, each developing a constituency of middle-class radicals who saw them as the key to halting development in their backyards.
By the time Rhodes and Dominy came roaring back under the banner of spendy Nixonism, it was too late. The Dominator would never build a dam again, and even housebuilding would be tough ask. The new libertarian coalition of young radicals, upwardly mobile professionals, rural conservatives, and black nationalists was formalized with the ascension of Colorado’s biker-attorney governor to the Presidency. Swingeing cuts to federal spending were accompanied by a swelling of the regions’ responsibilities as they took the lead on transportation and education. The Movement was still shaky, of course. Jane Jacobs, formerly a hero for her role in bringing down the Moses machine that ran the New York Harbor, Hudson Valley, and Peconic Watershed Regions, fell afoul of the left for her alleged promotion of gentrification and the right for her urbanite ethos which clashed with the back-to-the-land mood music.
The crawl towards microfederalism had become centripetal by this point. Even when the centralist and relatively pro-growth Democrats returned to power, their point man on planning was a Jacobsean urbanist who had led Atlanta’s freeway revolts, and whose only substantial criticism of the hollowing of the federal government was that it could enable segregationists. Maynard Jackson’s concerns were mulled over by the Harris-Jontz administration, and anti-discrimination laws were some of the few vestiges of existing federal law to survive the Constitutional Renovation process. (The existence of any federation-level law enforcement troubled some on the Movement’s libertarian wing, including the Planning Director, but he was too excited by the impending abolition of his own office to protest much.)
Al Gore, the sworn representative of the communities and ecosystems of the Cumberland River, was surrendered the Senate gavel in 1991 upon the dissolution of the fifty-four states. As he hoisted the hammer to inaugurate the new bioregional upper house, he remarked on the historical poetry of the moment – after all, he was from the Tennessee Valley…