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Lists of Heads of Government and Heads of State

Uhura's Mazda

lying on his back, urinating over his own belly
Published by SLP
Location
Tamaki Makaurau
New Zealand Legislative Council elections
1919: Liberal [16], Reform [15], Progressive [6],
Labour [2]

The Massey Government of 1912-19, which had never had a solid majority, came to an end with the exit of Joseph Ward's Liberals from the wartime coalition. At around the same time, the Reform Party itself split, with frustrated office-seekers creating the Progressive Party to fight for statist aid to farmers (such as the creation of a state-owned shipping line). The Progressives were led by ANZAC General Russell and did rather better in the upper house, which was elected by STV for the first time, than in the lower. Their central position in the political system made them transfer-friendly, while Labour did worse than in the lower house due to the expense of campaigning in such large districts. Ward could have governed with either minor party in the House, but could only do so with the Progressives in the Council, leading to the formation of the Liberal-Progressive coalition which returned the Liberals to their traditional predominance.

Until the 1980s, there were three additional seats reserved for Maori, which were filled by nominees of the Government. The Liberals took two and the Progressives one.

1925: Liberal [21], Reform [11], Progressive [5], Labour [3]

Joseph Ward was at the height of his powers in 1925, having weathered the storm of the post-war depression and benefiting from the positivity of the public mood in winning a majority of both houses of Parliament. However, he remained in coalition with the Progressives, who were now little but a transfer-funnelling service for the Liberals, who had copied all their policies. Notably, however, Ward had failed to follow through on introducing PR for the lower house, as he feared that this would give further momentum to Labour (who had in fact been outmanoeuvred by the Liberals in policy terms and had to make do with paranoiac radical speechmaking. Bill Veitch managed to wean the Federation of Labour away from outright support for Labour, which hamstrung the Party in the long term.

It was in this term that Joseph Ward had to contend with the Massey-Fergusson Affair.

1931: Reform [16], Liberal [10], Labour [8], Progressive [6]

With Ward dead of old age and replaced in the fight against the mounting Depression by the laissez-faire Bill Veitch, it was hardly surprising that Reform's William Downie Stewart would take the victory in 1931. He began with an orthodox policy, strongly opposing devaluation, but was convinced by Labour (whose votes he depended on) and by the facts on the ground to take an interventionist line, which got him castigated as "socialistic" by Liberals and his own allies alike. The Liberals arrogantly refused to form a National Government with Reform, whom they considered to be a temporary aberration in the natural order of things. Downie Stewart was swept out of office by the merged Liberals and Progressives in 1934, but the Council remained as it had been elected in 1931, with the Progressive Liberals relying on Labour votes to overcome the 19 Reform Councillors (including the three Maori) and therefore going for a policy that was equally Socialistic.

1937: Progressive Liberal [24], Reform [10], Labour [5], Real Democracy Movement [1]

The new Progressive Liberal Prime Minister, Harry Atmore, is fondly regarded by New Zealanders, and many houses still have a photograph of him on the walls. He gained control of the Council in 1937, but continued to put in place his social safety net without needing to be badgered by the irrelevant Labour Party.

1943: National Government [31], Labour [8], Communist [1]

The 1940 lower house election was delayed due to the War, which meant that the upper house only lasted one term of the lower, instead of two. By this stage, the Prog Libs had invited the Reformers into coalition, adding people like Gordon Coates, Sidney Holland and Keith Holyoake to the ministry. Frustration with the privations of the Home Front were running high, hence the high vote for the Left.

1949: Progressive Liberal [19], Reform [13], Labour [8]

Harry Atmore having died in 1946, it was up to his successor, Walter Broadfoot, to maintain his cautiously progressive social policy (now wrapped up in the international post-war consensus) and to gain control of the Council. He failed to do this by electoral means, but the three Maori seats in the gift of the Government came in very handy. Broadfoot was conservative by inclination, building little on Atmore's legacy except the expansion of medical insurance. Instead, he tried as much as possible to retrench spending - except on projects that might defeat international Communism, such as the sending of troops to Korea.

1955: Progressive Liberal [18], Reform [15], Labour [7]

Broadfoot's Government began to tire, but still had enough vim in 1955 to win a majority in the lower house - although even the Maori nominees couldn't save him in the Council, and he had to rely on Reform's good nature to respect his mandate. This they did, to their credit, but their election of a new, charismatic leader in John A. Lee was the death knell for Broadfoot. Lee had originally been a Labour member and lost an arm in the First World War, but was courted by the Reformers from the early 20s, and eventually joined them when Labour, scenting an illusory electoral appeal during World War Two, pushed him out. Lee sympathised with Reform's support of rural interests (he had been a swagger in an earlier life) and for banking and monetary reform, as well as their opposition to what he saw as the unwelcome influence of the Catholic Hierarchy. Lee, who became PM in a landslide in 1958, is best remembered for his social welfare spending and his promotion of an independent foreign policy (in which he was ahead of his time), but was hampered in every initiative by his invidious position in the Council, elected in 1955. He also struggled to manage the disparate factions of the Party, and had an unstable personality. However, in providing the Reformers with only their second majority government, he reinvigorated New Zealand democracy.

1961: Progressive Liberal [16], Reform [16], Labour [8]

In 1961, Ralph Hanan took the Prog Libs back into Government House with a minority in both houses, and proceeded to work with Labour to pass progressive social policies, as well as reforms such as the abolition of the death penalty. To this day, both parties bitterly dispute who exactly was responsible for each of his reforms.

1967: Progressive Liberal [19], Reform [11], Labour [10]

After two terms of minority government, Hanan finally won a majority in the House in 1967, and gained an upper house majority with the use of the Maori seats. For those hoping that this would provide an answer as to how progressive Hanan could be on his own, it was a disappointment, though, as he was below par over the next 18 months and died in 1969. He was replaced by Norman Kirk, a much stronger personality who was perhaps New Zealand's most divisive politician.

1973: Progressive Liberal [16], Reform [15], Labour [9]

Kirk's long period in office was a triumph for the Left, although again he depended on Labour support to a greater extent than is perhaps remembered. He increased social spending, regulated the capitalists, and returned to Lee's independent foreign policy - he pulled NZ troops out of Vietnam and went as far as to send frigates to protest French nuclear testing in the Pacific. He was also an opponent of Apartheid South Africa, causing ructions on rugby tours. However, most of his more far-sighted legislation around abortion and homosexuality came from underlings such as Gordon Dryden (the best PM we never had) against Big Norm's judgement. Meanwhile, his tenure was dominated by oil shocks, unemployment and rampant inflation, hardly helped by the quasi-autarkic policies of Finance Minister Muldoon. The scandals involved with the long reign of the Libs were also an occupational hazard by this point.

1979: Reform [18], Progressive Liberal [17], Labour [5]

The 1979 election was won by Reform, who swept Kirk out of office with a promise of fiscal continence and Not Being Corrupt by the telegenic young Reformer Bruce Beetham. Despite coming to power with a promise to implement monetary reform, Reform could not muster a majority in either House and instead presented the Black Budget, which involved increasing taxes on things like alcohol and petrol. Sensing an opportunity, Kirk volubly opposed it. Beetham fell, and Kirk returned to power in the snap election of 1980. However, he had to deal with the strong Reform contingent elected (and appointed) the previous year, and only just managed to pass the New Zealand Bill of Rights with Labour support.

Reform came back to power under Irish Catholic Jim Bolger, who not only pushed for free-market reforms and deregulation, but also sought to reform the NZ constitutional situation. He achieved final legislative independence from the UK and made the Maori seats in the upper house elective, even though Maori traditionally voted Liberal.

1986: Reform [23], Progressive Liberal [11], Labour [9]

Bolger's second term saw him defeat all comers, achieving a free trade agreement with Australia and introducing a GST to defray the costs of his other tax cuts. However, he had to deal with backbench dissention, most notably that of Hobson MP Winston Peters, a populist who opposed the free-market turn of the party of Downie Stewart and Lee, and made hay by publicising the corruption that was endemic in NZ business and politics as a result of the Liberals' decades of graft. However, Bolger was a typical Irish politician and some of the mud inevitably stuck on him in 1992, when he was forced to resign in favour of Marilyn Waring, and Peters was forced out of Reform.

1992: Progressive Liberal [24], Country [7], Labour [5], Reform [4], Young Maori [3]

Waring, an outspoken feminist and liberal, had never been a solid fit in the Reform Party, but they were happy to be led by anyone with a modicum of popular appeal after a gruelling period in office. She was loyally supported by the Social Credit faction, but few others were invested in her success. The Party collapsed in the 1992 despite Waring's best efforts, eviscerated by Winston Peters' new Country Party, which appealed to rural and elderly constituencies with particular popularity in the Auckland region. There was also the Young Maori Party, a Maori rights party led by former Reform Minister Parekura Horomia. This took all the Maori seats on offer in either House, so ready were Maori to embrace the radicals.

1998: Progressive Liberal [23], Country [7], Labour [6], Reform [5], Young Maori [2]

During the period when the Right was split between Country and Reform, the Progressive Liberals returned to power under the odd-looking working class battler Mike Moore, who went further than Bolger towards the new free-market consensus. His Finance Minister, Roger Douglas, filed balanced budgets and surpluses at the expense of the disadvantaged, while Moore hauled in the public support - which, of course, had nowhere else to go. Two successive majorities on the Council delivered near-unchecked support for Moore, and he was able to renegotiate New Zealand's independent foreign policy as far as intervening in Afghanistan, although he opposed the Iraq War. Towards the end of his term, though, the Country and Reform parties merged, and the Prog Libs were hit by a major corruption scandal, involving the redirection of Maori Affairs subsidies to the Party coffers. An embattled Moore retired, to be replaced by Roger Douglas.

2004: Progressive Liberal [19], Conservative [14], Labour [8], Young Maori [2]

Douglas was, if anything, even more extreme in support of the free market than Moore (who had vetoed his flat tax proposal). His popularity as Finance Minister fell through the floor when the electorate realised what kind of guy he actually was, and he was ejected from office in 2007, having relied on Young Maori and Conservative sympathy votes in the Council for most of his premiership. Douglas' main contribution was to reorganise the Progressive Liberal Party into essentially being a pyramid scheme, but for raffle tickets.

The new Prime Minister, Bill English, was regarded as scarily right-wing, but was in fact fairly moderate. Despite his political and religious views, he didn't backtrack on social issues, and even engaged in a bit of stimulus spending. He was, however, hamstrung by his Legislative Council for his first three years, making a mockery of his characterisation of his ministry as 'The New New Zealand Government'.

2010: Conservative [21], Progressive Liberal [10], Labour [9], Young Maori [2], Green [1]

English didn't quite get his upper house majority in 2010 due to having about as much personality as a potato, and had to govern with the support of the Young Maori Party, which had quickly become a mere means of distributing patronage - ironically, much like the original Young Maori Party for which it was named. The Conservatives continued in Government until 2016, when the electorate grew tired of their knee-jerk conservatism on subjects such as house-building, welfare, mandatory minimums and anti-terror legislation. The Labour Party surged in 2013 and started appearing at the top of the polls for the first time.

2016: Progressive Liberal [23], Conservative [12], Labour [5], Green [2], Young Maori [1]

But amid a short-campaign wave of support for untried Prog Lib leader Jo Luxton, a relative of Norman Kirk, the traditional party of Government came back once more. But the hopeful masses who voted for her have been disappointed by her lack of action on electoral reform and climate change, while the Liberal scandal-factory keeps on churning out ever more fodder for our thriving newspapers.

As a side note, some wags online are in the habit of noting that NZ's political history is very similar to that of another British settler colony: Australia.

Prime Ministers of New Zealand
1919-1926: Sir Joseph Ward (Liberal-Progressive coalition)
1926: Jack Massey (Reform)
1926-1930:
Sir Joseph Ward (Liberal-Progressive coalition)
1930-1931: Bill Veitch (Liberal-Progressive coalition)
1931-1934: William Downie Stewart (Reform)
1934-1946: Harry Atmore (Progressive Liberal)
1946-1958: Sir Walter Broadfoot (Progressive Liberal)
1958-1961: John A. Lee (Reform)
1961-1969: Sir Ralph Hanan (Progressive Liberal)
1969-1979: Norman Kirk (Progressive Liberal)
1979-1980: Bruce Beetham (Reform)
1980-1983: Norman Kirk (Progressive Liberal)
1983-1992: Jim Bolger (Reform)
1992: Marilyn Waring (Reform)
1992-2003: Mike Moore (Progressive Liberal)
2003-2007: Sir Roger Douglas (Progressive Liberal)
2007-2016: Sir Bill English (Conservative)
2016-:
Jo Luxton (Progressive Liberal)
 

Uhura's Mazda

lying on his back, urinating over his own belly
Published by SLP
Location
Tamaki Makaurau
Oh I like this. I wouldn't even begin to know where to start, so I'll restrict myself to this gem:
I was only going to do it as a vaguely 'rhyming' analogue until I thought of that joke, and then it was like "No, this has to be as close as possible except with less Social Credit".
 

Mumby

'I love the pun he will go far'
Published by SLP
a rework of an idea i last worked on back in february 2017, which at the time i referred to as @Sideways -punk.

its pretty different now, and goes a bit further into the future, but the spirit is much the same, i feel

Cottingley v2

Prime Ministers of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland

1916-1923: David Lloyd George (National Liberal)
1918 (National Government with Conservatives and NDLP) def. Eamon de Valera (Sinn Fein), William Adamson (Labour), H.H. Asquith (Liberal). John Dillon (Irish Parliamentary)
1923-1924: David Lloyd George (United Reform)
1923 (Majority) def. J.R. Clynes (Labour), Stanley Baldwin (Independent Conservative), Eamon de Valera (Sinn Fein), H.H. Asquith (Liberal)

Prime Ministers of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland

1924-1926: Austen Chamberlain (United Reform majority)
1926-1932: Winston Churchill (United Reform)
1927 (Coalition with Patriotic Covenant) def. Arthur Cook (Labour), Henry Page Croft (Patriotic Covenant), Reginald McKenna (Liberal), John Hargrave (Kibbo Kift)
1932-1933: George Lansbury (Labour)
1932 (Minority with Kibbo Kift confidence and supply) def. Winston Churchill (United Reform), John Hargrave (Kibbo Kift), Henry Page Croft (Patriotic Covenant), John Simon (Liberal)
1933-1935: Winston Churchill (United Reform leading Constitutional Government with Patriotic Covenant, Social Democrats and Liberals)
1935-1936: David Lloyd George (United Reform leading King's Government with Labour, Loyal Patriots and Loyal Liberals)
1936-1938: Nye Bevan (Labour)
1937 (First Preparedness Coupon with United Reform, Patriotic Covenant, Liberals and SDP) def. David Lloyd George (Loyalist Movement)
1938-1939: Nye Bevan (Labour leading War Government with United Reform, Patriotic Covenant, Liberals and Social Democrats)
1939-1939: E.F.L. Wood (United Reform leading Armistice Government with Loyalist Movement, Patriotic Covenant, Independent Labour, Liberals and Social Democrats)

Prime Ministers of the Kingdom of Great Britain

1939-1944: David Lloyd George (Loyalist Movement)
1939 (Majority) def. E.F.L. Wood (Second Preparedness Coupon - United Reform, Patriotic Covenant, Liberals, SDP), Nye Bevan (War In '39 - Labour, War, CPGB)
1940 (Sole Legal Party) def. unopposed


Governors of the Allied Military Government of the Occupied Territory of Great Britain

1944-1945: Winston Churchill & Stafford Cripps (United Reform / Labour, appointed by US Army and Red Army respectively)

Prime Ministers of the Commonwealth of Great Britain

1945-1952: Tom Wintringham (Labour)
1945 (Resistance Coalition with United Reform and CPGB) def. Douglas Bader (Patriotic Covenant), Archibald Sinclair (Democratic Action)
1950 (Coalition with CPGB) def. Anthony Eden (United Reform), Harry Pollitt (Communist), Douglas Bader (Patriotic Covenant), Archibald Sinclair (Democratic Action)

1952-1955: Herbert Morrison (Labour minority)
1955-19XX: Gerald Gardner (United Reform)
1955 (Minority) def. Herbert Morrison (Labour), Harry Pollitt (Communist), Alfred Roberts (Patriotic Covenant), William Douglas-Home (Democratic Action)
 

Mumby

'I love the pun he will go far'
Published by SLP
and some heads of state to go with that

Kings of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland

1910-1917: George V (Saxe-Coburg and Gotha)
1917-1924: George V (Windsor)

Kings of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland

1924-1935: George V (Windsor)
1935-1939: Edward VIII (Windsor)

Kings of the Kingdom of Great Britain

1939-1944: Edward VIII (Saxe-Coburg and Gotha)

Governors of the Allied Military Government of the Occupied Territory of Great Britain

1944-1945: Winston Churchill & Stafford Cripps (United Reform / Labour, appointed by US Army and Red Army respectively)

Lord Protectors of the Commonwealth of Great Britain

1945-1952: Albert York (Independent)
1945 def. unopposed
1950 def. unopposed

1952-19XX: Belphoebe Glorian (Independent)
1952 def. Elizabeth York (Independent), Harry Pollitt (Communist), George Gloucester (Independent)
 
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Oppo

Nationalize Five Guys


Presidents of the United States

1929 - 1933: Herbert Hoover (Republican)
1928 (with Charles Curtis) def. Al Smith (Democratic)
1932- 1932: Franklin D. Roosevelt (Democratic)
1932 (with Millard Tydings) def. Herbert Hoover (Republican), Norman Thomas (Socialist)
1933 - 1933: Millard Tydings (Democratic)
1933 - 1940: Smedley Butler (Brotherhood)
1936 (with Rexford Tugwell) def. Hamilton Fish III (Republican), Harry F. Byrd (Southern Democratic), Huey Long (Commonwealth)
1940 - 1941: Rexford Tugwell (Brotherhood)
1941 - 1946: Gifford Pinchot (Republican)
1940 (with Frank Knox) def. Cordell Hull (Democratic), Rexford Tugwell (Brotherhood)
1944 (with John L. Lewis) def. Joseph Kennedy (Democratic)

1946 - 1953: John L. Lewis (Republican)
1948 (with Vito Marcantonio) def. Millard Tydings (Democratic)
1953 - 1954: Brien McMahon (Democratic)
1952 (with Francis E. Walter) def. John L. Lewis (Republican)
1954 - 0000: Francis E. Walter (Democratic)
1956 (with Happy Chandler) def. Walter J. Kohler Jr. (Republican), Robert Hale Merriman (Independent)

Administrators of the Autonomous Region of New Afrika

1937 - 1940: Marcus Garvey (Self-Reliance)
1937 def. W.E.B. du Bois (Liberation), Lawrence A. Oxley (Liberal-Progressive), James W. Ford (Communist)
1940 - 1945: James R. Stewart (Self-Reliance)
1941 def. W.E.B. du Bois (Liberation), William H. Hastie (Liberal-Progressive), James W. Ford (Communist)
1945 - 1954: Harry Haywood (Popular Front)
1945 def. A. Phillip Randolph (Independent), James R. Stewart (Self-Reliance)
1950 def.
Roy Wilkins (Liberal-Progressive), Thomas W. Harvey (Self-Reliance)

1954 - 1954: AUTONOMY CANCELLED
 

Mumby

'I love the pun he will go far'
Published by SLP
and some heads of state to go with that

Kings of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland

1910-1917: George V (Saxe-Coburg and Gotha)
1917-1924: George V (Windsor)

Kings of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland

1924-1935: George V (Windsor)
1935-1939: Edward VIII (Windsor)

Kings of the Kingdom of Great Britain

1939-1944: Edward VIII (Saxe-Coburg and Gotha)

Governors of the Allied Military Government of the Occupied Territory of Great Britain

1944-1945: Winston Churchill & Stafford Cripps (United Reform / Labour, appointed by US Army and Red Army respectively)

Lord Protectors of the Commonwealth of Great Britain

1945-1952: Albert York (Independent)
1945 def. unopposed
1950 def. unopposed

1952-19XX: Belphoebe Glorian (Independent)
1952 def. Elizabeth York (Independent), Harry Pollitt (Communist), George Gloucester (Independent)
also, i remembered that in the previous incarnation, i managed to get B_Munro to do a map of Britain during the Occupation - this is still mostly on point, though the Kift would be replaced in the new scenario by a looser organisation of covens and fae beyond the control of conventional political organisations

https://www.deviantart.com/quantumbranching/art/It-was-a-magic-sealion-684232897
 

Comisario

Hello Tony, I am 1952
Published by SLP
Location
London
A list of Labour Party leaders based upon a list game in my test thread back on the old forum.

1945-1946: Arthur Greenwood

Greenwood's reputation is predicated primarily on the sympathy he gained having taken the role of leader of the party following Clement Attlee's untimely death in the spring of 1945. Labour's electoral success was, in part, down to the national pity that fell upon Arthur Greenwood as he made low-key campaign tours around the country. The press rolled their collective eyes and the Conservatives believed they were in for a landslide given the rather meek performance of the Leader of the Opposition. In the end, with just over 370 seats, Labour swept to power on a landslide majority of its own. The work to be done in the coming years would be arduous and time-consuming, as many in the Labour leadership knew, but Arthur was determined to make the best of the premiership that had been suddenly thrust upon him. His first acts to implement the Beveridge Report and begin the process of decolonisation (India being the first to go in 1947) would earn him a small but not insignificant place in the mythology of the Labour Party.

Some thought differently, however, and were determined to steal the red crown from Arthur's head. Herbert Morrison came out in the open and challenged Greenwood, culminating in the 1946 Labour leadership contest from which Arthur Greenwood would promptly bow and thus allow his Foreign Secretary, Hugh Dalton, to run in his stead. Greenwood's reputation has since been eclipsed by the likes of Dalton and Bevan, who were ingrained in the popular consciousness as the true founders of the modern welfare state. His reputation has never undergone major damage but neither does he came quickly to the minds of the public outside of the realm of British political historians.​

1946-1950: Hugh Dalton

If Greenwood had been the architect, then Dalton was the builder. The commanding heights of industry were nationalised, the National Health Service was formed, and the British Empire began to retreat from the wider world. He proved an exceptionally good manager of his cabinet, even quashing a second Morrisonite coup in 1948, and his ability to spot and promote talent from among the younger ranks of the Parliamentary Labour Party would go on to inform his enduring popularity in the wider party. A friendly and supportive father figure to many young MPs, one would be hard-pressed to find an ambitious socialist or trade unionist speak an ill word of the man who fundamentally shaped so many careers. On a national level, his uncompromising commitment to the 1945 manifesto fundamentally shifted Britain into the post-war world. Moves were taken toward a progressive taxation system, food subsidies for working-class families rocketed upwards, and action was taken to build 300,000 homes a year (on average) over the four years of his premiership. He also secured huge loans from the United States government to fund many of his social programs, which did lead to some consternation on the part of the Labour left and the Communist Party. But, a committed anti-communist as any, Dalton was undeterred by his embrace of the 'Special Relationship' with President Truman. His reputation did suffer slightly after leaving office as the limits of his Atlanticist feeling were tested and the right wing of the party found it difficult to forgive him for forgoing the chance for Britain to prove itself a true American ally.

Dalton is often held up as one of the top-five Prime Ministers of the post-war period and is rarely out of the top-three Labour leaders in the same era. Intellectually brilliant and a genuine radical, even some on the Labour left have seen fit to claim him as one of theirs (especially, it must be said, during the arguments over German armaments in the mid-1950s and late-1970s). Besides his immediate successor, it is difficult to think of someone who spent more energy and political capital to earn the title "Founder of Modern Britain".
1950-1960: Aneurin Bevan

After Dalton won in 1949 and Labour returned with only a slightly decreased number of seats (361 to be exact), it looked as if his leadership might carry on for at least another half-decade. There was still work to be done and reforms to be implemented, but international events would overtake his premiership. War flared up in the Korean Peninsula, America reached out to Britain for military aid, and the Labour government was split as to how to react. The left of the party outright condemned the notion that Britain ought to join in America's wars so soon after the last world war. The right was split between those who advocated caution and those who wished to prove themselves to the Americans. Dalton found himself in the former camp of the right, expressing his dissatisfaction at America's interventionist attitude (and its expectation that the rest of the world ought to follow in tow). Once again, Morrison tried his luck and the broad contours of alliance around the cabinet table drastically altered as the left came to agree with Dalton and the broad right became split between the ageing Ernie Bevin, scheming Herbert Morrison, and the almost too young Hugh Gaitskell. The only problem was that the left had their own candidate in mind to succeed Dalton and he was promptly advised to vacate his office for the contest to come. Aneurin Bevan was that candidate and he was unequivocal: no aid for American wars just to hollow out the victories of social security that had taken place since 1945.

That Bevan won was barely a shock, especially seeing as the right was divided amongst three flavours of the same Atlanticist position. Nye told Harry Truman where to go, made huge cuts to the defence budget, and radically improved the social services that had been constructed since the '45 election. As the founder of the National Health Service, he already had the reputation as a benevolent and radical reformer, and his time in high office would prove this even more. Sweeping education reforms (including the beginning of a fully comprehensive school system from 1952 onward), housing plans that reached a peak of 400,000 homes a year in 1953, and the abolition of National Service in 1954 all came together to give the workers of Britain a great deal of respite after the long years of war and austerity. Rationing was still in place but would eventually be phased out after Bevan failed to gain a majority in 1954 and began relying on Liberal support. The reasons for this failure have been often characterised from a right-wing position - 'Labour was too radical', 'Labour was uniting Britain and the Soviet Union', 'people were sick of the socialist nanny state', etc. - when the reality is more that the unions (led by Arthur Deakin of the TGWU) were working against the party by winding down its available election funds and making statements at conference that associated Bevan with the 'King Street Mafia' (another term for the CPGB). Scurrilous accusations abounded and the funds available for Labour's second re-election effort were dwindling. Done dirty by the unions, it is a testament to Bevan's personal popularity that he managed to still eke out a minority with the support of the Lloyd George Liberals. For two years, his government carried on (outliving Arthur Deakin by almost exactly one year) and the time seemed right to have another election in order to shore up Labour's position heading into the 1960s. Had Bevan been successful in 1956, the process of decolonisation would have intensified further and new regional planning mechanisms would have been introduced. As it was, the Liberals campaigned hard against a Labour Party that believed in the inevitability of its own victory and took huge chunks out of the Labour vote, which had fallen already due to the feeling in the country that Bevan was on-course for another five years in office.

Bevan's government would fall to Rab Butler's Conservative Party, leaving Bevan, as LotO, to fend off challenges from various bases of power in the party. The unions tried to unseat him by sponsoring Hugh Gaitskell in a bid for the leadership in 1957 and another challenge from the right came in 1959, this time quixotically led by Douglas Jay, Edith Summerskill, and George Brown. The strains upon Bevan's leadership were proving too much for an already unwell man and it was in 1960, amidst a flurry of leadership and deputy leadership challenges, that Bevan would die from complications during surgery to remove a cancerous stomach ulcer.

A titan of the Labour left and a man gone too soon, Aneurin Bevan stands out as the most radical Labour leader of the twentieth century. He fundamentally changed the country's standing on the world stage, pushed Britain forward in terms of social reform, and made huge strides (by giving independence to a series of ex-colonial federations in the Caribbean and Africa) in the realm of decolonisation. The party found it difficult to move beyond his shadow and any attempts at revisionism of the Labour line would be countered with accusations of disturbing Bevan's legacy. Some on the right found this trend disconcerting and obstructive, but it kept Bevan's memory alive for a public that had been genuinely endeared to the old Welsh firebrand. That he regularly comes in the top-two of post-war PMs in publicly ranked lists is no surprise, as his statue on Parliament Square and many namesake public buildings can attest. A strong-willed and well-meaning left-winger, it is sad to say that he would be the last of his kind in the Labour Party for many, many years.
1960-1972: Anthony Crosland

One of the most divisive and yet long-serving Labour leaders of the post-war period, Anthony Crosland was many things to many people. The youngest leader of the party in its history when he took over in 1960, he represented everything that the Bevanite tendency disliked: he was a well-heeled intellectual, firm in his pro-American sentiments and unwavering in his scorn for the supposedly well-meaning 'beatniks' that the Labour Party had done much to attract in the later years of Bevan's leadership. Some considered him arrogant; some considered him brilliant. It was a strange ascent, only made possible by the various splits that erupted on the left of the party in the wake of Bevan's death. More handsome than Callaghan and more youthful than Gaitskell, Crosland won handily against a field of Tribune Group devotees and 'fellow travellers'. Thrust into a general election in October 1960, he managed to take a substantial chunk out of the Conservatives' total seats despite Butler still managing a majority with 338 seats. The party didn't want another round of bloodletting and navel-gazing, which allowed Crosland to coast through the next five years with only minor hiccups along the way. The unions were brought back into the fold, regular trips were made to the US to visit the new Democrat in the White House, Pat Brown, and the Labour Party machine was put into full modernisation mode.

Crosland was assured of victory when he consulted the polls in 1964, which put Labour consistently ahead of the Tories with leads ranging from 7% to 20% throughout the spring and summer months. The youthful and technologically advanced image of the party, looking to build on the foundations of the Daltonite-Bevanite welfare state and increase standards of living across the country, played well against the rather staid image of the Butlerite Conservative Party. Had Butler been the one leading the Conservative Party into the next election, it would have been a landslide for the party; had Butler not shown his weakness when refusing to sack the Chief Secretary to the Treasury, Peter Thorneycroft, for his ill-judged remarks to the press about possible funding for a British nuclear deterrent, then Crosland might have been PM for more than a decade. In the end, Butler fell in November 1964 and, taking his place, was a man almost as young as Crosland and definitely more decisive than Butler. Reginald Maudling stormed into the cabinet and forced the resignations of just about anyone who wanted to waste Treasury funds on atomic bomb pipe-dreams. At least, Reggie asked his lieutenants, Edward Heath and Edward du Cann, to do so. Maudling avoided confrontation himself but wasn't averse to getting others to do the heavy lifting of ministerial discipline, which translated in the press to some sort of misjudged 'Man of Steel' image. His steel was not stainless, however, and Anthony Crosland made great hay over the weakening of the pound and the fall of Britain's share of global trade in the 1964-65 period. The election of 1965 wasn't quite the long-awaited victory that Crosland (and many other spectators from the left) had foreseen. A small majority of just 6 separated Labour from the imminent return of Tory government and many of Crosland's ministers were not long in the job.

1965-1968: these were the brief 'Crosland years' of British politics. A flurry of social reforms were narrowly passed in '66 and '67, but the economic state of the country was too difficult to handle without the majority support of his own party. Devaluation to address problems with exports was on the agenda but the cabinet refused to sign off on the policy, prompting many long arguments between Crosland and his Chancellor, George Brown. In 1966, Brown quit and sold his stories of the PM's arrogance to the newspapers, who promptly lapped up the internecine conflicts in cabinet. The image that stuck was that which Brown had painted: Crosland was supposedly a supremely arrogant individual who held his economic advisers in contempt and believed he might do better at running the economy in a one-man show. It was not too far from the truth, all things considered, as he would appoint his ally (and former lover at university) Roy Jenkins to the post of Chancellor. He leapfrogged many other qualified persons, having served as President of the Board of Trade for just over a year when he got his promotion. Backs were put up, knives would be drawn, and then the ultimate series of blows in 1967: a run on the pound, a crisis in the international currency markets, and the gruelling embarrassment of going cap-in-hand to President Brown for a loan to keep the British economy ticking. It was only the application to join the European Economic Community in 1968 that saved Crosland from a coup, but it was't enough to stop the anti-Europeans on the right (among them, Douglas Jay and Frederick Bellenger) voting with the Conservatives to bring down the government before the negotiations with Europe were finalised. A series of whip suspensions and expulsions later, Crosland was out on his backside with seemingly more enemies than friends in the PLP and a record that wasn't easy to defend. He refused to back down, however, and stacked positions in the party with his allies after the 1969 challenges to his leadership from the left both failed. In 1971, to take advantage of the weak and divided leadership of the Labour Party, Reginald Maudling called a snap election in November and saw his majority rise even higher than he could have imagined. Labour dropped to 230 seats and could only look on as the Conservatives won once again. Some commentators were declaring the Conservatives the 'natural party of government' and even some in Labour were crossing their fingers that they need only wait until the late 1980s to get back into government.

Crosland formally resigned before the New Year, prompting a January leadership election that ended in a compromise candidate that just about nobody really wanted but to whom nobody could truly be opposed. When Anthony died in 1977, there was more talk of "missed potential" than praise of his actual record as leader and as Prime Minister. Some saw his leadership as a great farce for the party that had governed for 11 years on increasingly radical platforms to fall back on shiny technocracy. It was unbecoming of the great intellectual that was Anthony Crosland to have to have sold himself more as a product than a politician, only to have failed to truly win over the British public. Of the four elections Labour contested with Crosland as leader, he would win only one - and with a minuscule majority at that. Whilst nobody's favourite leader by any means, Labour supporters in the modern era have had their criticisms tempered by time and the experience of Crosland's successors.
1972-1975: T. Dan Smith

T. Dan Smith is rarely remembered in the modern Labour Party. Once a communist and conscientious objector during the early days of the Second World War, he would slowly come to moderate his views over the course of the proceeding decades. Establishing himself as a firm supporter of Labour after 1945 and as a Newcastle City Councillor, he would eventually gain a seat in the Newcastle-upon-Tyne West by-election of 1953. His rise was less than meteoric, but he managed to earn himself a junior ministerial position in Bevan's last year of government. He got nothing out of his shadow cabinet until Crosland took over, whereupon Smith took the shadow housing portfolio and unveiled huge reforms to the ways in which the arts and design philosophy could affect cityscapes. Crosland was impressed and took him on as Minister for Housing and Local Government for the three years of his governance. What won him the leadership in 1972 was a proven track record that, whilst far from emulating the sheer numbers of house-building in the 1950s, would certainly change the ways people saw council housing: gone were the 'urban cottage' designs under Bevan and in came the modern brutalist housing blocks that littered Smith's own city. Where the other candidates were looking to finally engage in some factional bloodletting, Smith could quite rightly say he'd been loyal to Bevan as much as he'd been loyal to Crosland and that he would gladly serve under any other leader as well. His outward magnanimity shrouded a rather more ruthless streak, but it earned sympathy during a long and gruelling campaign where Anthony Wedgwood Benn and Denis Healey nearly came to blows at a hustings.

What little can be said of his three-year leadership is thus: he was a grifter and a schmoozer. Not a gifted orator or an intellectual brimming with new ideas, Smith preferred to hobnob with business leaders and union officials alike, earning himself credibility and the odd backhander. He famously endorsed a close supporter of his, Robert Maxwell, to take up the position of Treasurer of the Labour Party in 1973. "Creative accounting" was soon to follow, though the extent to which Smith and Maxwell had laundered money from their own businesses through the Labour Party machine's funds would not be revealed until well into the Woodley years of leadership. An unambitious platform, representing continuity with the 'Bevlerism' of the 1950s and early 1960s, was put forward in 1975 to face off against the solid patrician Toryism of Francis Pym, who had succeeded Maudling the previous year. It was a boring election where Labour lurched marginally closer to winning (a 7 seat increase, to be exact) and the Tories managed to pinch a small number of seats from the Liberals, thereby almost nullifying the cautious re-emergence of Labour's popularity. Under pressure from his shadow cabinet to resign and under some tentative scrutiny from left-wing members of the NEC, Smith and Maxwell resigned their positions just weeks apart. In later life, he would appear only a small number of times to bemoan the leadership of the party that followed him (especially, ironically, Kilroy-Silk) and famously sold his Jaguar (with custom number plate) to pay damages in a libel case against a fellow North East MP, Jo Richardson.​

1975-1986: Roy Mason

The 'Barnsley Bruiser', Roy Mason stepped in to fill the role of leader at a time of great disappointment for the Labour Party. With the Conservatives set to govern Britain for another five years, Mason had a job to reinvigorate and revitalise the party faithful for the next bout with the Tory Party. When he finally did manage the feat of returning Labour to government with its first working majority since 1949, he was hailed a hero of the working classes and many predicted that his leadership could prove the beginning of a sea-change in British politics as Labour forged its old coalition of the working classes and the liberal middle classes back together. In the end, after four years of conservative attempts at reform, u-turns at every juncture, and the alienation of vast swathes of Labour supporters and others, Mason would go down as that worst sort of leader: the one who wasted their golden opportunity.

The first sign that Mason might disappoint the Labour Party's supporters was his acquiescence to Pym's negotiations with the EEC for Britain to join. He had been opposed to ideas of Anglo-European unity in the early 1960s, preferring the popular Commonwealth vogue that swept the parties during the period of Bevlerism, but had since shifted with the onset of Crosland's leadership to support Britain in the EEC. Fulfilling the promise of the Crosland years by voting through the European Communities Bill of 1978, Mason had - in effect - given Pym his last great victory before the energy crises of the late '70s really began. In 1980, Mason won a majority of 336 seats with 281 seats going to the Conservative Party (and, for the first time since the CPGB in 1945, two seats to a party outside of the main three: the free market populist outfit of the British Democrats, headed by Oliver Smedley and Norris McWhirter). As the energy crisis deepened in the early 1980s, especially after President Haig's failed attempt to corral the Middle Eastern Petroleum Congress back into the Western fold by cutting off American aid to Kurdish rebels in Syria, the Prime Minister felt under siege by the miners and trade unionists that had once been his base of power. Thus, within two years of his premiership, it was already being put about that a referendum be given to decide the nation's energy policy (with the caveat that the pro-nuclear option would also imply nuclear material that could be used to finally build Britain's independent deterrent). With the assent of Alexander Haig, Mason and his cabinet team drew up plans to have a British nuclear weapons system operational by 1985. The plans that were leaked during the 1983 energy referendum campaign sharply polarised public opinion, which ended up voting against nuclear energy on a margin of 53% to 47%. The coal miners had won, but implicitly against the interests of the man that relied so heavily on their support to be in the position he was in. They would not take it lying down, especially considering that the recession that the energy crisis had brought seemed to be ignored by Mason (who had only eyes for designing outlandish ties, it seemed to many). Days lost to strike action hit a post-war peak in 1984, with more men out of work in the coalfields and in the transport industries servicing them than at any other time in their history.

He also managed to alienate many Irishmen in Britain with his bluff, nonchalant response to the near-assassination of the long-serving Taoiseach of Ireland, Charles Haughey, in October 1981. Militant Ulster unionism had been growing since the supposedly "intrusive" interventions of Pym's Home Secretary, Peter Walker, in making provisions for further Catholic civil rights in the province in 1975 and 1977. Haughey's visit to Belfast in 1981 was an obvious target for the so-called 'Loyal Ulster Regiment' because of the perceived provocation, but the British government had allowed the trip to go ahead regardless and Mason was seemingly nonplussed when he returned from a meeting of Commonwealth leaders in Trinidad the day after the assassination attempt. Northern Ireland had long been seen as the province that had been "sorted" by various attempts to get the Ulster Unionist Party to at least attempt to share power with the Catholics in the country, and so Mason practically forgetting that Haughey was visiting Belfast that week was hardly surprising. Still, his blunt lack of sympathy earned him few supporters. It might have been forgotten about by many in Britain, but working-class Irish families living in Britain were unlikely to give their votes to a Labour Party led by Roy Mason again.

In October 1984, with an election called to hopefully gain the confidence of the country and an even larger majority to deal with the unions, it would be John Nott's Conservatives who stole the day. Rebounding from the loss of 1980, the Tories had fully redirected themselves to the twin pillars of the new conservatism: British nationalism and the free market. Where Mason offered tinkering reforms and pay agreements with the unions, Nott offered to wipe the slate clean and finally end the muddling industrial relations that had plagued the country for more than half a decade. Mason would carry on as leader for two years until his defeat in the snap election of 1986 (just following the shock sweep of the Conservatives in the Greater London Council elections of 1985). In 1987, as if to add insult to injury, Mason took up a job as Chairman of the National Coal Board and would oversee a measly package of 'community compensation' for the closure of the mines until he was sacked and the coal board abolished by the new PM, Michael Hare (in what was, at the time, called the 'ecological turn' of the Tories). Michael Hare's 'greens' (often represented, rather comically, with two stylised detached rabbit ears) had no place for old union men "stealing" from the land and blighting the natural landscape of England, meaning he was without a job come Hare's ascension in 1990. Awarded a peerage and sitting as a crossbencher from 1995 to 2008 (the time of his death), Mason was unapologetic for his time both in and out of office. Unwilling to accommodate himself to the bright new Labour Party of the '90s, he never found a political home after his appointment to the NCB and would slowly recede into the background of Lords debates... only the colour of his neckties marking him out against the sea of grey suits and greyer hair.​

1986-1989: Joan Maynard

The Labour left had long been sidelined, unable to articulate a new vision for their wing of the party since Bevan's death and haemorrhaging youth support to the Liberals (who elected the 37 year old Peter Hain as their leader in 1987). Without youth support, the parliamentary left became a sclerotic group obsessed with Bevanite nostalgia as Crosland, Smith, and Mason progressively tore down the consensus that Dalton and Bevan had built in the immediate post-war years. Their only lifeline the Tribune magazine and the stalwart efforts of the British Anti-Nuclear Society (or BANS) to stave off attempts to tear up the continued consensus on defence policy, the Labour left seemed out-of-touch and out of luck when Mason refused to step down in 1984. But, when the snap election in 1986 pummelled the Labour right as Masonites in Labour's marginals went by the wayside and Bevanites in safe seats suddenly had weight added to their votes, it appeared the perfect time to mount a challenge. The only problem was, from amongst their ranks, the only person under the age of 70 and with some cabinet/shadow cabinet experience was T. Dan Smith's former Shadow Health Minister, Joan Maynard. 'Stalin's Granny' may have shattered the glass ceiling in terms of women's representation in politics, but her popularity among voters of any gender or persuasion could hardly be rated highly. Labour struggled in the polls in 1987 and 1988, as Maynard attempted to build coalitions across the party for her reforms (which included abolishing the union block vote and returning power to the constituency section of the NEC, which had been rather diminished by Mason's tinkering in 1979) whilst appearing to man as "that mad woman" on the television when John Nott relented and allowed cameras into the House of Commons chamber before the summer recess in 1987. It was a cruel joke to pit the rather solid and unassuming Nott against the old firebrand Maynard, with the latter looking like the 'Wicked Witch of Westminster' and being derided as such in the press. Harder times in were yet to come in 1988 when a group of right-wing trade unionist MPs, led by John Prescott, Bob Mellish, Tom Burlison, and Eric Varley, resigned the whip over Maynard's reforms and formed their 'Labour Independent Group'. A flurry of MPs joined them in protest and, for a brief moment in autumn 1988, it looked as if a true new party would be formed and would contest for the name of 'Labour' if it should register with the Electoral Commission.

By New Year 1989, Maynard was on her last legs and it was becoming untenable for her to carry on. When the proposal that Labour should add a European referendum into the next manifesto was summarily shot down in the shadow cabinet, Maynard resigned and left the leadership of the party to whomsoever wanted to hold such a poisoned chalice. There are few good memories of the Maynard leadership and opinions of her since her death in 1998 have been resistant to historical revisionism, though the majority of active resentment to Labour leaders of the 1980s has been reserved for Mason. If she is rated so low, it is because it seems that many have either forgotten she was ever leader or they have tried desperately to block her out of their memories.​

1989-1997: Robert Kilroy-Silk


Robert Kilroy-Silk (popularly known as 'RKS') was a... controversial character in the Labour Party, to say the very least. Elected in 1975, he immediately joined the left-wing Tribune Group and became something of a class warrior on the ranks of the left. By 1980, however, his radicalism had begun to mellow and he was on the hunt for a promotion to a junior ministerial position. He got one at the Department of Transport in 1982 and was eventually given cabinet rank as President of the Board of Trade in the final Mason government reshuffle of 1984. He stayed loyal to Mason through the lean years of 1984-1986, was out with the coming of Joan Maynard (of whom he once said would "make an excellent leader" of the party in an article just after his election in 1975), and became one of the most prominent critics of the left during the tumult of 1986-1989. Finally, on a platform of bringing Labour closer to the "new economic realities" of privatisation, a floating currency, and fiscal conservatism. He also was one of the more photogenic leading lights of the right, who - in quick succession - dropped their own candidacies to rally around RKS.

He was a star on morning television, charming and joking his way through interviews with a certain breezy style that seemed so modern compared to the stodgy old ways of Mason and Maynard. He courted big business (largely off of the business backlash against Michael Hare's 'crusade' for the environment) and promised that the country, which still hadn't fully recovered from the slump of the early '80s, would stop being seen as a doddery old nation hanging off the edge of Europe. A dynamic leader promising a dynamic economy was too good a chance to pass up, and his working-class-lad-made-good image contrasted well against a rather entitled country squire related to the Earls of Listowel. 1991 was a landslide for Labour, seeing the Tories fall back to 228 seats and Hain's Liberals making inroads into the Conservative Party's middle-class urban voter base (indeed, they would come close to leapfrogging the Tories in the GLC elections of 1994). Labour, out on top and with an ambitious manifesto to kick the economy into gear, had to swallow much of its former pride to accept the changes to come. British Telecom was privatised in 1992 and the BBC was put on notice after Kilroy-Silk appointed Lord Dell to head up an inquiry into a 'commercial reform package' (not a surprise given RKS's own burgeoning interest in the broadcasting business, which had been built on the collapse of Robert Maxwell's own media empire in 1986). The National Lottery was founded - with televised draws beginning in the New Year of 1993 - and huge incentives were offered to American and European production companies to set up shop in Britain. Selling Britain as the new 'entertainment capital of the world' gave the economy the uplift it needed, as the overpriced manufacturing exports of the 1970s and '80s gave way to soap operas and game show formats as the biggest-selling exports of the 1990s. It was no wonder that 1989-1997 represented the years of the most drastic fall in Labour membership, haemorrhaging so much support that some regional sections of the party were considering winding up in 1995 and 1996.

A booming Britain was a happy Britain, as Kilroy-Silk kept in mind as he won a thumping second majority in 1995 against the divided Conservatives. Teresa Gorman was a battleaxe of moral fury against the reckless wide-boy in Number 10, but the public were experiencing a huge rise in living standards and were not about to jump ship when the going was good. The space that Gorman opened up for a socially conservative turn did allow RKS to start cracking down on crime in a bid to shore up his image with already-dejected Tory voters. Tougher sentences for sex offenders and a huge prison-building programme were promised in the 1995 election and he would deliver over the course of the next two years of his premiership, with public policy firms at the time estimating that the new prisons would be under capacity when finished in 2000. The brave new world of the 'British Lion' (a phrase used to refer to the British economy in the 1990s and 2000s) promised Kilroy-Silk perhaps even a third term in office, with millennium election plans already drawn up in 1996, but it would not be so. Resistant to calls for a 'border poll' in Northern Ireland, RKS related to Ulster with the same cheerful indifference as Roy Mason and was shocked when an Irish republican demonstration decided to block his way to his first formal meeting with the new PM of Northern Ireland, Brian Mawhinney, in June 1997. The fracas that followed, with eggs being thrown by some in the crowd and insults hurled by both sides, ended when Kilroy-Silk got out of his vehicle and threw a punch at a demonstrator who had decided to 'moon' his wife. The ensuing punch-up made the papers and calls for RKS to resign (which had been consistent on the liberal and democratic socialist wings of the Labour Party) suddenly rose up at once. A man of his temperament couldn't get away with such an act of violence, the likes of which hadn't been seen in Northern Irish politics since before the Second World War. Under media scrutiny and in fear of flaring up tensions between his unionist supporters and the republican community that had long felt abandoned by Labour Prime Ministers, RKS was pushed to resign by his cabinet.

In the years since, RKS has been a controversial character. He vociferously defended nationalised rail in the early 2000s during John Redwood's brief tenure at Transport, had his own morning television show from 2002 to 2010 (which hit a peak of 2.5 million viewers per day in 2005), and became embroiled in a racism scandal that led to him leaving television to buy Liverpool FC on the cheap during its early 2010s lull. He is still the principal owner of the club today.
1997-1999: Alan Sugar

Alan Sugar was, for the latter half of the Kilroy-Silk premiership, the government's face to the business community. Deputy leader from 1991-1997 and serving in a variety of cabinet positions, Sugar had climbed the greasy pole to become RKS's Chancellor of the Exchequer just six months before Kilroy-Silk's 'drubbing incident'. Rather a coronation than a true contest, Sugar waltzed into Number 10 with Labour still up in the polls and unaffected by Kilroy-Silk's right hook. The economy was going from strength to strength, with Sugar looking forward to the "digital economy" of the next millennium and the opportunities his ambitious fibre-optic cable network plans had in store for British businesses.

The new PM ought to have exploited the honeymoon period for all it was worth, not least seeing as Teresa Gorman's successor, John Major, was caught in the midst of a sex scandal with one of his own shadow cabinet ministers. By the January of 1998, though, Sugar wanted to twist the knife into the Tories as much as possible and hopefully score an even larger majority out of their misfortune. It was an opportunistic move, opposed by his cabinet to a large extent and opposed by a country that believed it had another two years before the next polling day, and rumours of a snap election went down poorly with the press. Kilroy-Silk's media ventures held their fire at first, but they soon joined in the chorus of indignant disapproval. The idea that Sugar might gamble what he had been 'gifted' by RKS invoked a sense of betrayal in the former PM, but Sugar was undeterred and - just two weeks before the value of the pound slipped against the Eurodollar and a week after John Major resigned as leader of the Tories - he called an election. The February election of 1998 was a disaster for Labour, who went in not entirely behind their new leader's decision and with many parliamentarians believing that Kilroy-Silk's disapproving words were gospel. The Conservatives and Liberals formed what would be known for the next eight years as the 'Centre Pact' under the leadership of Chris Patten and Magnus Linklater (who had taken over from Peter Hain in 1995), Sugar was down on his luck after spending a week refusing to leave Downing Street and attempting to cobble together a 'rainbow coalition' with the Linklater Liberals, Plaid Cymru, and the Nationalist Party of Northern Ireland. He held on as Labour leader for another year before the public challenges emerged from all wings of the party. In a bid to keep control, he made the preemptive move of resigning in order to force a leadership contest: he practically dared his critics to take a shot at him. The problem was that they did... and they won.​

1999-2000: Lesley Mahmood

She was the 'right woman at the wrong time': the one who came too early to bring socialism to the party that had long since abandoned the notion. Lesley Mahmood, a previously little-known Liverpool MP who made a huge splash at the 1998 Brighton conference when she called Alan Sugar a "traitor to the labour movement" in front of a massive audience. Broadcast across the country, she became something of a sensation on the left and she was courted by various cabals that had been in waiting since the Maynard years. It was taken as self-evident that the country, divided on so much and yet united in turfing out Alan Sugar and his cronies, was crying out for a radical new leader willing to inject some ideological conviction back into the party. More a stop-gap than a socialist revolutionary, Mahmood managed only to challenge the dominance of the right-wing NEC policy committees by transferring more power to the leader's office in her short time as leader. It was supposed to be the first step towards the "re-foundation" of the Labour Party as a true 'party of labour', which would have included a package of reforms regarding the electoral college for leadership votes: out would go the PLP's stranglehold over the election of leaders and in would come the voices of the constituencies and the trade unions. An emergency conference would be called in March 2000 over the party's position with regard to joining the Eurodollar on the terms Patten and Linklater were seeking. With the membership still sparse with regard to Eurosceptic and left-wing representation, delegates were overwhelmingly in favour of the negotiations over the Eurodollar and defeated a motion implicitly backed by the leader's office for the policy to be outright opposition. Unlike Sugar, who dared the party to throw him out by resigning, Mahmood used the conference-time media attention to announce her intention to fight on at the party's autumn conference that same year. Not wanting to drag the fight out longer, she was advised to step down so that a more pro-European leader could take over. She was resistant at first but it became more and more difficult to count on her erstwhile supporters for help, especially as many had been canvassed on supporting a new leader.

Mahmood has a rather poor reputation in Labour now, even though many feel that she was right to resist being talked down from the position she had very rightly won in 1999. Though the topic on which she showed her defiance is now pretty much settled in Labour, she would never be reconciled to the pro-Eurodollar turn of the party and would found her own 'Solidarity Party' in protest in 2001 before she lost her seat in 2002. She ran as a Solidarity candidate in the North West for the 2015 European elections and received just 4.8% of the vote. Since then, she has preferred to stay out of the public gaze and has been working on her memoirs of her time as an MP in Liverpool and as Leader of the Labour Party.​

2000-2010: Tony Woodley

When Tony Woodley stepped on stage at the 2000 Labour Party conference for his first speech as leader, there was a palpable sense of relief. Since the 1980s, Labour’s leaderships had been variously too radical, too arrogant, too conservative, or too out-of-touch. Now, with Woodley in charge, it felt as if the party had returned to its senses with a firmly left-wing (but nowhere near as radical as Lesley Mahmood) ex-trade union leader at the helm. His plan was clear and his points concise: reverse Nott's draconian trade union legislation, bring members both new and old into the party, and win the next election. On two of those points, Woodley would be rather successful. Between 2000 and 2006, a membership drive saw the party swell to 400,000 members and CLPs were said to have experienced a renaissance with Woodley at the helm. In terms of reversing the trade union legislation of the Nott premiership, some reversals were managed after 2002 as Labour and the TUC - estranged after a decade and a half of the party leaderships' betrayals - came together to launch the 'Make Work Work For You' (or 'MWW4U') campaign that saw some private businesses in the retail and dwindling manufacturing sectors conclude agreements for trade union representation on boards. It caused a stir as the natural backers of the Conservatives in big business were giving way to Labour Party demands, with Magnus Linklater even losing his position as leader to Peter Hain's comeback campaign in 2005 on the back of the latter's support for the new period of 'constructive trade unionism'.

2002 might not have been Tony Woodley's year, but 2006 would see his party triumph after Hain broke off the 'Centre Pact' over planned state pension cuts in that year's spring budget. It is also worth noting that Woodley was the first Prime Minister of the Labour left since the 1950s, which earned him raised eyebrows in the press and certainly in Europe (dominated at the time by conservative and Christian democratic governments in France, Germany, Italy, and Spain). But, undeterred by the opinions aligned to oppose him, Woodley set about a total reversal of all Conservative Party trade union legislation since the late 1970s and began pushing for new national plans in social services. Out went the "savings targets" and "economic remodelling" that had been haphazardly imposed on everything from the NHS to policing during the mid-2000s Britnet recession (caused by overvaluation of the then-booming computing and software development industry in Britain). The value of the Eurodollar suffered enormously due to continental investors' expectations that British companies servicing Britnet would turn their sights to the nascent and lagging European Information Network (the EIN would later be renamed 'OneNet' in 2010). Lack of government investment on the continent into fibre-optic cable networks and the possibilities of the in-vogue 'cybereconomy' made Britain into the continental leader, just ahead of the RSFSR, in the digital industries. It was the story of the 2006-2009 aftermath from the Britnet recession, which saw huge government investment in such business ventures to help share prices in said companies recover... with the caveat that trade union membership be mandatory (now legal due to the reversal of the infamous Tebbit Act of 1987) for all salaried staff below management level and that elections be held - on company time with full pay - for workers' representatives to sit on company boards. The new policies were tough to swallow at first and did see a rollback of European investment from British tech companies, but Britain still remains the world leader in the field as no other global economy has come close to the positive tripartite relationship in the industry between trade unions, government, and private business.

The 'Wirral Warrior' scores highly whenever Labour supporters are asked to name the party's greatest leaders, which is in part because he was so recently Prime Minister and made such a difference to working-class living standards. It also helps his claim to being one of Labour's best leaders that he showed his humanity when, a bit choked up, he announced in the summer of 2010 that he wanted to spend more time with his grandchildren during the autumn years of his life and less time going to East-West Summits in Dubrovnik and scolding his own cabinet when they squabbled. A touch of humanity peered through in that moment, which hadn't been so perceptible in previous Labour leaders.
2010-: Derek Wall

What can be said that hasn't already been said about Derek Wall? Here was the man who, steering clear of nuclear energy for all the bad associations it brought to the popular consciousness, managed a total revolution in the pace of environmental reforms during a time of huge climate crises in developing nations. He turned Britain from a country getting only 15% of its energy from renewable sources to getting 75% of its energy from renewable sources between 2010 and 2018. He visited rioting communities in the American Midwest during the economically stagnant and racially tense years of the Brownback presidency (2013-2017). He decentralised the British banking system and has, just in the last year, forced through a number of inquiries to be set up and investigate unscrupulous and unethical practices in the banking sector. Even the new generation of socialist and liberal EEC leaders have sought to incorporate Derek Wall's work on environmental protections and banking regulation into the 'General Framework for a European Constitution' (due to be published in December 2020). He has served as Prime Minister for 9 years, having won a huge mandate in 2011 and following it up by capitalising on Tory splits in 2015 with a majority of over 110 seats.

He has been, in some ways, very lucky. After Patten's experiment with a centrist turn was deemed a failure on the right and power being seized by Edward Leigh, hardline Pattenites walked out to form the Independent Conservative Party in 2008 and they would split the vote in 2011 in a number of marginals. After the failure of Michael Portillo's attempts to curtail both poles of internal Tory opinion, another split emerged with David Davis walking out with 20 MPs to join the British Democrats and effectively force an entryist takeover of the once-prominent populist outfit (which had actually experienced something of a revival at the European level after the 2007 Euro elections). The Liberal-ICP alliance is now under the rather uninspiring leadership of Brian Paddick, who succeeded Hain in 2011 and formed the new electoral pact in 2014 in the run-up to the 2015 election. The British Democrats, meanwhile, are still led by David Davis: the man who immediately couped the old leadership upon joining in the summer of 2012. Derek Wall, by comparison, seems to be the only stabilising force in British politics. A radical ecological socialist, his politics would be seen as far outside the mainstream in large parts of the Anglosphere, but even the British establishment have come around to the only Prime Minister of Charles III's kingship that the ageing monarch can find some friendship in. Strange times have created many a strange bedfellow.

It is expected that Derek Wall, his face plastered across the television every night and his party never seemingly out of electioneering mode with constant offensives against vested interests, will lead Labour into the 2020s and will complete a hat-trick of electoral victories in either 2023 or 2024. The era of 'Green Bevanism' is, it appears, here to stay.​
 

KingCrawa

Prayed for by a Brace of Monks
and some heads of state to go with that

Kings of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland

1910-1917: George V (Saxe-Coburg and Gotha)
1917-1924: George V (Windsor)

Kings of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland

1924-1935: George V (Windsor)
1935-1939: Edward VIII (Windsor)

Kings of the Kingdom of Great Britain

1939-1944: Edward VIII (Saxe-Coburg and Gotha)

Governors of the Allied Military Government of the Occupied Territory of Great Britain

1944-1945: Winston Churchill & Stafford Cripps (United Reform / Labour, appointed by US Army and Red Army respectively)

Lord Protectors of the Commonwealth of Great Britain

1945-1952: Albert York (Independent)
1945 def. unopposed
1950 def. unopposed

1952-19XX: Belphoebe Glorian (Independent)
1952 def. Elizabeth York (Independent), Harry Pollitt (Communist), George Gloucester (Independent)
An immortal fae is Lord Protector?
 

Sideways

Avenge Magnus Hirschfeld!
Published by SLP
2010-: Derek Wall

What can be said that hasn't already been said about Derek Wall? Here was the man who, steering clear of nuclear energy for all the bad associations it brought to the popular consciousness, managed a total revolution in the pace of environmental reforms during a time of huge climate crises in developing nations. He turned Britain from a country getting only 15% of its energy from renewable sources to getting 75% of its energy from renewable sources between 2010 and 2018. He visited rioting communities in the American Midwest during the economically stagnant and racially tense years of the Brownback presidency (2013-2017). He decentralised the British banking system and has, just in the last year, forced through a number of inquiries to be set up and investigate unscrupulous and unethical practices in the banking sector. Even the new generation of socialist and liberal EEC leaders have sought to incorporate Derek Wall's work on environmental protections and banking regulation into the 'General Framework for a European Constitution' (due to be published in December 2020). He has served as Prime Minister for 9 years, having won a huge mandate in 2011 and following it up by capitalising on Tory splits in 2015 with a majority of over 110 seats.

He has been, in some ways, very lucky. After Patten's experiment with a centrist turn was deemed a failure on the right and power being seized by Edward Leigh, hardline Pattenites walked out to form the Independent Conservative Party in 2008 and they would split the vote in 2011 in a number of marginals. After the failure of Michael Portillo's attempts to curtail both poles of internal Tory opinion, another split emerged with David Davis walking out with 20 MPs to join the British Democrats and effectively force an entryist takeover of the once-prominent populist outfit (which had actually experienced something of a revival at the European level after the 2007 Euro elections). The Liberal-ICP alliance is now under the rather uninspiring leadership of Brian Paddick, who succeeded Hain in 2011 and formed the new electoral pact in 2014 in the run-up to the 2015 election. The British Democrats, meanwhile, are still led by David Davis: the man who immediately couped the old leadership upon joining in the summer of 2012. Derek Wall, by comparison, seems to be the only stabilising force in British politics. A radical ecological socialist, his politics would be seen as far outside the mainstream in large parts of the Anglosphere, but even the British establishment have come around to the only Prime Minister of Charles III's kingship that the ageing monarch can find some friendship in. Strange times have created many a strange bedfellow.

It is expected that Derek Wall, his face plastered across the television every night and his party never seemingly out of electioneering mode with constant offensives against vested interests, will lead Labour into the 2020s and will complete a hat-trick of electoral victories in either 2023 or 2024. The era of 'Green Bevanism' is, it appears, here to stay.
It's difficult to really quantify the level to which I love this successful Wall premiership. And in general this is an interesting bit of writing. Interesting picks, good background. Makes me wonder about the wider world - particularly what television made it big under Kilroy-Silk and what became of that
 

Comisario

Hello Tony, I am 1952
Published by SLP
Location
London
It's difficult to really quantify the level to which I love this successful Wall premiership. And in general this is an interesting bit of writing. Interesting picks, good background. Makes me wonder about the wider world - particularly what television made it big under Kilroy-Silk and what became of that
I got quite lucky in that the people playing the list game picked figures I actually wanted to write about. It made explaining the background so much easier because there was a pre-existing interest.
 
Filling in the blanks for A Greater Britain

1929-31: Ramsey MacDonald (Labour)
1929: Stanley Baldwin (Conservative), David Lloyd George (Liberal)
1931-32: Stanley Baldwin (Conservative-Liberal Coalition)
1931: Oswald Moseley (Labour), Herbert Samuel (Liberal), John Simon (Nat. Lib.)
1932-40: Oswald Mosley (Labour)

1932: Stanley Baldwin (Conservative), Herbert Samuel (Liberal)
1936: Anthony Eden (Conservative), Herbert Samuel (Liberal)
1939: Neville Chamberlain (Conservative), Archibald Sinclair (Liberal)

1940-43: William Graham (Labour)
1943-52: Rab Butler (Conservative)

1943: William Graham (Labour), Archibald Sinclair (Liberal), Richard Acland (Popular Front - Commonwealth/ILP)
1948: Nye Bevan (Labour), Richard Acland (Popular Front), Megan Lloyd George (Liberal)

1952-63: David Maxwell Fyfe (Conservative)
1953: Nye Bevan (Labour), Tom Driberg (Popular Front), Megan Lloyd George (Liberal)

1957:
1959:
1963-64: Reggie Maudling (Conservative)
1964-73: George Brown (Labour)

1964:
1969:

1973-81: Enoch Powell (Conservative)
1973: George Brown (Labour),
1978: Roy Jenkins (Labour),

1981- : Alan Clark (Labour)
1981: Enoch Powell (Conservative),


1933-41: Franklin D. Roosevelt/John N. Garner (Democrat)
1932: Herbert Hoover/Charles Curtis (Republican)
1936: Alf Landon/Frank Knox (Republican)

1941-45: Alben Barkley/Cordell Hull (Democrat)
1940: Wendell Wilkie/Charles McNary (Republican)
1945-53: Harold Stassen/John Bricker (Republican)
1944: Alben Barkley/Cordell Hull (Democrat)
1948: Millard Tydings/Hubert Humphrey (Democrat), B.T. Laney/Strom Thurmond (States Rights)

1953-61: Hubert Humphrey/W. Averill Harriman (Democrat)
1952: Thomas Dewey/ (Republican)
1956:

1961-65: Barry Goldwater/Walter Judd (Republican)
1960:
1965-73: Joseph Kennedy Jr./Happy Chandler (Democrat)
1964:
1968:

1973-81: George Romney/ (Republican)
1972: Joseph Kennedy Jr./George Wallace (Democrat)
1976: John F. Kennedy/ (Democrat)
1981- : Audie Murphy/ (Democrat)

1980:
 
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Stuyvesant

Just wait until I actually get my shit together
1977: Jimmy Carter†/Ted Kennedy (Democratic)
1977-1985: Ted Kennedy/Frank Church (Democratic)
1985-1991: Alexander Haig†/Phil Crane† (Republican)
1991-1997: Colin Powell/Mickey Leland (Republican - National Unity)
1997-2001: Mickey Leland/George Pataki (Democratic - National Unity)
2001-2009: Ralph Nader/Stewart Alexander (Independent, nominated by Green, Peace)
2009-2013: Jim Webb/Mitt Romney (Republican - National Unity)
2013-2017: Angus King/Barbara Lee (Independent, nominated by Democratic, Peace)
2017-: Mitt Romney/Liz Cheney (Republican - National Unity)


Carter is assassinated after a slightly different 76 Election. Haig’s brinkmanship during the fall of the Soviet Union leads to a limited nuclear war. Powell, the sole survivor creates a National Unity Alliance. Dissatisfaction with the alliance in 2000 leads to a Nader Coalition forming.

Note: this was a cooperative list, hence the seeming random shifts
 

Turquoise Blue

Exhaustingly Tibby
Patreon supporter
Location
Kemr, FK
Neighbours of the North (and Prediction)
1993-2003: Jean Chrétien (Liberal)
1993 (Majority): Lucien Bouchard (Bloc Québécois), Preston Manning (Reform), Audrey McLaughlin (New Democratic), Kim Campbell (Progressive Conservative)
1997 (Majority): Preston Manning (Reform), Gilles Duceppe (Bloc Québécois), Alexa McDonough (New Democratic), Jean Charest (Progressive Conservative)
2000 (Majority): Stockwell Day (Alliance), Gilles Duceppe (Bloc Québécois), Alexa McDonough (New Democratic), Joe Clark (Progressive Conservative)

2003-2005: John A. Malcolm (Liberal)
2004 (Minority): Phil McKay (Alliance), Frédéric Fischer (Bloc Québécois), Margaret Swann (New Democratic), James Boyyan (Progressive Conservative)
2005-2007: Phil McKay (Alliance)
2005 (Minority): John A. Malcolm (Liberal), Frédéric Fischer (Bloc Québécois), Margaret Swann (New Democratic), Lawrence MacDonald (Progressive Conservative)
2007-2017: Penny Beatty (Liberal)
2007 (Minority): Phil McKay (Alliance), Lawrence MacDonald (Progressive Conservative), Margaret Swann (New Democratic), Frédéric Fischer (Bloc Québécois), Morgan Clements (Green)

2009 (Minority): Christine Gallant (Alliance), Lawrence MacDonald (Progressive Conservative), Thomas Johnson (New Democratic), François Fortin (Bloc Québécois), Morgan Clements (Green-Labour)
2013 (Majority): Lawrence MacDonald (Progressive Conservative), Thomas Johnson (New Democratic), Paul Southerland (Alliance), François Fortin (Bloc Québécois), Morgan Clements (Green-Labour)

2017: Jeremiah Corbett (Liberal)
2017-Present: Samuel Lorensen (United Conservative)
2017 (Majority): Jeremiah Corbett (Liberal), Thomas Johnson (New Democratic), Morgan Clements (Green-Labour), François Fortin (Bloc Québécois), Paul Southerland (Alliance)


In the end, the Liberal Decades couldn't last for ever. As the Beatty Boom started to falter, the Progressive Conservatives rebranded as the United Conservatives in an attempt to suck off the moderate Gallantite part of the Alliance, and succeeded. With the NDP further and further committed to anti-immigrant populism, the diverse neighbourhoods of many Canadian cities become deep red. It wasn't enough to stop the blue wave as Canada voted for change. The time of Jean Chrétien and Penny Beatty, the "Liberal Decades", has come to an end as the Tory victory rivals Mulroney's 1984 one.

As the Liberals stagger, they hope that just like Mulroney, Lorensen will stumble and lead the UCP into collapse. But that is still in the future...