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Indicus's maps, wikiboxes, &c thread

Sanjay Raj: 1986 IDRP / INC (D) leadership election
  • Indicus

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    Jagjivan Ram's premiership was a most difficult one. When he came into power in 1982 on a broad coalition containing the near-entirety of the anti-Sanjay Gandhi opposition, many were hopeful he would institute their reforms, in the manner they wanted. Yet, after amending out the Emergency amendments to the constitution and restoring parliamentary government, the coalition's internal contradictions immediately began to spin out of control. When, in 1984, Jagjivan Ram declared the institution of caste-based reservations in university and government jobs, the result was a wave of student self-immolations which horrified the nation. The Indian Democratic Revolutionary Party split into multiple parties, and though the sheer scale of the 1982 landslide meant that the IDRP retained a large majority, it lost legitimacy. To regain it, Jagjivan Ram had Parliament dissolved in 1984.

    The result was, after a long and dirty campaign, the IDRP retaining a majority of a mere two seats - and the Sanjay Congress, under the competent leadership of Sanjay's wife Maneka, won well over one hundred seats. Most horrifyingly, the Sanjay Congress petitioned the courts to have them recognized as the true Congress faction. The IDRP, unwilling to let the legitimacy of the Congress party go to a dictatorial front, immediately declared the formation of the Indian National Congress (Democratic), a party consisting of 119 IDRP MPs. It was, at the outset, a party which shared all organization and leadership with the IDRP. This faux-split was enough for the courts to refuse to recognize the Sanjay Congress as official. This proved yet another gnaw at Jagjivan Ram's leadership. For the next two years, he established a firm economic policy, one that was pro-business but albeit statist and not pro-market. The result was an economic boom. The rising Khalistan movement established waves of terror across Punjab, killing political opponents and those Sikhs it deemed "heretical", but it broke up in infighting after Jagjivan Ram revealed connections between Sanjay Gandhi's dictatorship and the Khalistan movement leader Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale - Bhindranwale would end up dead in 1985. It was into this atmosphere, calming but still tense, that Jagjivan Ram died in 1986.

    And so, the 1986 IDRP/INC(D) leadership election was held. The acting leader was Karan Singh. He had a long career, serving as first, the crown prince of the British Raj princely state of Jammu and Kashmir, and then after its accession to India as its Sadr-i-Riyasat and later Governor until 1967, when he resigned to join the Indira Gandhi cabinet. Here, he swore off his stipend as ex-monarch and assented to the abolition of all ex-monarch stipends. He continued to serve in the Congress cabinet even after Indira's death in 1976, only resigning in 1977 in protest at Sanjay Gandhi's desire to make the authoritarianism of the Emergency permanent. He later joined with the defectors to the opposition in 1982, becoming the Foreign Minister in the Jagjivan Ram cabinet despite suspicions at his alleged Congress sympathies. He served this role well, and brought India's reappearance onto the international stage. With him becoming Acting Prime Minister and leader of the party after Jagjivan Ram's death, he used the position to negotiate the endorsements of numerous would-be leaders - all except for one. Chandra Shekhar had been in the "Young Turk" faction of the Congress party, advocating socialistic reforms, and initially supported Indira Gandhi. However, he supported the anti-Indira JP movement, and thus despite being in the Congress party he nevertheless went to jail as a political prisoner during the Emergency. In its wake, he had a desire to lead, becoming a cabinet minister, and he found Karan Singh, an ex-monarch, fundamentally suspect and anti-reform.

    Yet, Karan Singh's canvassing proved effective, and he successfully got most of the party on his side. In his acceptance speech, he spoke of conciliation. He spoke of national unity. To those suspicious of his aristocratic birth, he understood that, and he noted that, yes, his father was borne of luxury. But he also spoke of his mother, born in a poor Patiala household, and screwed by the feudalistic system. He spoke of his desire to end feudalism and establish a truly egalitarian republic. But many remained suspicious of an ex-monarch heading a republican government, and when Karan Singh asked Chandra Shekhar for conciliation, Shekhar refused, and instead walked out of the party caucus with his supporters and formed his own IDRP (Shekhar). With the IDRP/INC (D) having had a razor-thin majority, it now lost it, and this meant new elections. Karan Singh wanted to be prime minister - now he had to win a majority in an election.
     
    Cape Republic: Transvaal Republic
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    The Transvaal Republic was a Boer, later Anglophone, republic east of the Vaal River, which existed from 1852 to 1934.

    Boers first moved into the area as trekboeren looking for further land in the eighteenth century, but this flow only became sizeable following the Dutch Cape Colony's reforms of the nineteenth century. The Dutch government, influenced by the Enlightenment, proved hostile to settler interests, disarming them, prohibiting expansion, centralizing the administration, and banning slavery, all factors which led boeren to rebel against the government, and when this was crushed in the 1840s they moved across the Orange River; with the region going through massive ethnic movements due to Shaka Zulu's expansion and the disarray of the mfecane, they were able to establish an independent republic, however, it was one which was swiftly conquered by the Dutch army. Settlers subsequently moved further beyond the Vaal River, and the Dutch were opposed to further expansion. Instead they signed a treaty with the settlers beyond the Vaal, releasing them from citizenship and establishing their independence as a buffer state.

    When these settlers entered the region, it was already going through chaos. A Zulu army led by Shaka's lieutenant Mzilikazi broke from the Zulu nation overall and established a state in the region using Zulu military tactics, causing heavy chaos and warfare in the region. When the boer settlers came, they subsequently were able to counter Mzilikazi's attacks with their guns, forcing him to migrate north where he would found the kingdom of Mthwakazi. With the region in disarray, the Boers then established a series of republics around new towns. Francois Pretorius, the State President of the centrally-located republic of Lijdzaamheid, sought to unify these republics, and after a series of complicated wars and agreements with other Boer republics, he established the first constitution of the Transvaal Republic by the 1860s. This republic was marked by a rejection of the Enlightenment ideals followed by the "godless" Hollanders.

    As such, like an old oligarchical republic, citizenship was only extended to the (white) elite, old-fashioned honorifics were used rather than the French Revolution-inspired address of "citizen" dominant in the Netherlands, and the Dutch Reformed Church was made the only legal religion without authorization. Nevertheless, it immediately began with a program of state-building. It minted its own rijksdaalder for currency, gave itself a flag reminiscent of the old oligarchical and quasi-monarchist Dutch Republic overthrown by the Batavian Revolution, and the State President travelled in circuit around the republic like a medieval king. To avoid dependency between either the Dutch in the Cape or the British in Natal, an agreement was made with the Portuguese to establish a road to the port of Lourenço Marques. Beyond that, the Transvaal immediately initiated wars with native kingdoms, with the Pedi to its north and the Ngwane peoples to its southeast. However, here it faced issues. Slowly, the Pedi adjusted their tactics to Boer guns, and under their King Sekoekoeni I, they began to go on the offensive. In 1877, the Transvaal seemingly teetered on defeat. This already bad situation got worse when the Zulu kingdom to the Transvaal's south declared war. With the Transvaal government fearful of Zulu troops in Lijdzaamheid, it immediately sued for peace with the Pedi, recognizing their independence and giving up the Zoutpansberg region. This was not enough to stop the Zulu onslaught, however, and as the Zulu armies marched north, the party calling for peace strengthened, and finally in 1880, it sued for peace with the Zulu, ceding large amounts of the Transvaal to them.

    This Transvaal, teetering on collapse, frantically attempted to centralize and modernize its administration, to prevent further defeat. But this got worse when, in 1886, gold was discovered in the Witwatersrand region of the Transvaal. News of this spread across southern Africa and indeed beyond. The result was a great wave of prospectors and miners, looking for gold. The new town of Goudfontein emerged near the site of the gold discovery. While people from around the world moved to the Transvaal for gold, most of them came from British Natal, or from other English-speaking countries. They bristled at the sole legality of the Dutch language, of the Dutch Reformed Church. And the Transvaal government quickly noted that, at the rate of immigration, uitlander migrants, and English speakers, would make a majority of the white population in the near future. And so the domicile requirements for citizenship were immediately lengthened to fourteen years, and the English language was banned with children forced to go to Dutch schools - or more precisely, in the irregular rustic taal of the Boers. Beyond that, the Transvaal created a new class of randheeren who exploited the gold rush. Some of them were Dutch, having already tapped into the Paulustad diamond rush, but most of them were English-speaking - from Britain, the United States, and Australia. And this new class hated their exclusion from the halls of the Republic, forming the Goudfontein Reform League to petition for suffrage expansion. The Transvaal Republic would attempt to close off immigration, they built a railway with the now-French port of Lourenço Marques to avoid dependence on Natalian ports, but to no avail. In 1891, the Transvaal government established a municipal administration in the Witwatersrand elected by uitlanders in an attempt to satisfy demands for reform. Yet, they continued, and in 1896, the government of the Witwatersrand declared the abrogation of the Transvaal constitution and declared their desires to march on Lijdzaamheid to force a new one which would expand suffrage to all white people. This caused a brief civil war; under the new constitution of 1898 which ended it, citizenship requirements were relaxed and the Transvaal was decentralized between four provinces - Witwatersrand, Lijdzamheid, Uysberg, and Zuid-Nassau - to avoid Anglophone domination of all sectors of government. Stability was achieved.

    And this changed everything. While many Britons recognized that the Transvaal had become the new centre of the region and advocated its annexation, they would be surprised at the extent of it. British Natal became a mere dependency and its economy was driven by its use as a Transvaal Port; likewise with French Lourenço Marques. In 1905, Transvaal, British Natal, and French Lourenço Marques signed a customs agreement establishing common institutions to ease trade. British beliefs that the Anglophone Transvaalers now dominant would look to them proved wrong when, instead, they proved far more independent-minded. The state scrapped the medievalism dominant in the past, and became a modernizing white supremacist state. Thus emerged the Transvaal of the early twentieth century, the beating heart of white southern Africa, dominated by a class of randheeren which ruled over a white elite, with black people wholly disenfranchised. But the white miners of the Witwatersrand resented this domination. They hated the randheeren with a passion; but they also hated black labour, regarding them as an economic threat. Thus, white supremacist labour unions emerged, and though racially inclusive labour unions also emerged they weren't large enough. In 1922, when the randheeren attempted to employ cheaper black labour in gold mines, the result was a wave of strikes among white workers. These strikes were brutally suppressed, but this was hotly opposed, and in the 1924 Transvaal elections, the Labour Party won a majority of seats in the volksraad and took control of the State Presidency.

    And with that they established a white peoples' associationist state. They established welfare programs for white people and ensured that the mines would be dominated by white people, not by black labour. They attempted to sponsor white supremacist labour activity in other parts of south Africa, but this failed; in the Cape, labour evolved on racially egalitarian lines and likewise in Natal, while in French Lourenço Marques labour almost entirely consisted of Tamil and Javanese indentured servitude. They also served to alienate neighbours; the constitutionalist movement in the Zulu Empire regarded the Transvaal as synonymous with tyranny, while the conservative Boers who made a majority of white people in French Lourenço Marques looked down at the dominance of rough Anglophone workers. In Natal, the mixed-race and Indian populations in particular hated Transvaal white supremacy, and similarly, in the Dutch Cape, the Transvaal was viewed as the antithesis to its liberal franchise. The result was that, in 1929, the Labour Party was defeated in no small part due to the alienation of its neighbours. The victors, an alliance of Boers and middle-class Anglophones, sought to prevent them from taking over again. Accepting much of the labour legislation, they nevertheless sought to enfranchise upper-class black people if only to stop the Labour Party from coming back. By the new Native Rights Resolution of the Volksraad, those black people who could read and write Dutch or English and passed a property requirement could now vote. More revolutionary, however, was the municipal legislation. Black municipal governments were established, with power over black neighbourhoods. This was more an attempt to satisfy the growing movement for racial equality than anything else. And ultimately these measures of small racial inclusivism, intended to strengthen white supremacy, would fail as instead black people used these opportunities to force racial issues to a head through the tactics of obstructionism and oppositionism; the dispute over racial equality was only strengthened by these reforms. But at the time, seemingly more important was the discussion of union between the Transvaal, British Natal, and French Lourenço Marques. The strong economic ties between them resulted in there already being talk of it, and the Transvaal government quickly forced the issue in the Customs Union assembly. In 1931, it forced through the creation of a popularly elected Customs Union Assembly, and after unionist victories in Natalian and Laurentien elections, both France and Britain were ultimately forced to the negotiating table. As part of the agreements for union, the federal Transvaal system was extended to Natal and Lourenço Marques, and both France and Britain would retain basing rights as well as offshore islands. And so, in 1934, the Transvaal Republic was dissolved and replaced by the Lijdzaamheid Republic.
     
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    Punjabi Republic: Sale of the Koh-i-Nur
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    The Koh-i-Nur is a diamond. It is thought to have been mined in the Kollur Mine, in Andhra, in about the twelfth century. From there, it enters the annals of written history in the time of Babur, the founder of the Mughal Empire. In his epic the Baburnama, he declared it already famous, having been in the hands of the Delhi Sultanate after an invasion of the Deccan. When Babur conquered the Delhi Sultanate, in 1526 he received it in tribute. It would later become part of the Peacock Throne, and according to legend it was carelessly cut by a Venetian visitor in whose care it was collected. After the massive, disastrous 1739 invasion of India by the Persian emperor Nader Shah, the Peacock Throne and the Koh-i-Nur with it was taken with him. Famously, upon witnessing it, Nader Shah proclaimed Koh-i-Nur, or "Mountain of Lights", when seeing it, giving it its name. After Nader Shah fell, the Koh-i-Nur fell into the hands of the ruler of Afghanistan, Ahmad Shah Durrani, and it remained in the hands of the Durrani Empire until 1813 when, after losing a succession dispute, Shuja Shah Durrani fled to Lahore and gave the diamond to the ruler of Punjab, Ranjit Singh, after it gave him asylum.

    Quickly, Ranjit Singh grew to love the diamond. He attached it to his turban, particularly when meeting European visitors. He grew paranoid about the possibility of it being stolen, placing it in a high-security fort; if it was to be transported, it would be put in a convoy, consisting of one camel with the diamond and 39 camels without it, and the camel with the diamond was a secret. After Ranjit Singh died in 1843, its custody became a dispute. The chief Brahmin in his court declared he had willed it to Jagannath Temple in modern-day Utkala, while his sons declared it state property which could not be willed; ultimately, it fell into the hands of the victor of the succession dispute, Nau Nihal Singh. As the Punjabi Empire sought to build itself as a nation, the Koh-i-Nur became a symbol of Punjabi valour, victory, and the monarchy.

    But increasingly there emerged voices which looked at the Koh-i-Nur not as a symbol of valour, but of opulence. They viewed it as an example of how the Sikh ideals of equality were being betrayed by the monarchy. These voices were first notable within the Sikh religious hierarchy, the Akal Takht. When the king entered the Akal Takht wearing the diamond in his turban, he was condemned by the Jathedar and forced to take it off if he wanted to worship. This was a clear example of the clash between king and khalsa emerging in this time. Yet, such denunciations spread further. They emerged among the new intelligentsia, among court officials, and among the army.

    These feelings reached a head during the Great Indian Famine of 1876-78. While this famine mostly affected the Deccan and forced Maharashtra to reform and establish a constitution, their effects were felt as high as Punjab. Voices called for immediate state aid, but the monarchy's reaction proved sluggish; instead the king marched, had feasts, and wore the Koh-i-Nur in his turban, all while the people risked starvation. Even after the Famine was resolved, criticisms rose and rose, and the head general Prem Nath Kaul seethed as he witnessed an opulent, useless kingdom. In the 1882 coup, Prem Nath Kaul overthrew the king and replaced him with a puppet, and the old Maharaja Jawahar Singh was stripped of his turban, of the Koh-i-Nur itself, before being forced into exile in the British Raj. When the new Maharaja Dalip Singh seethed at his puppetry and tried to retake power, Prem Nath Kaul overthrew him in turn and established a republic. Dalip Singh too was humiliatingly forced into exile. And now the state had to decide what to do with the Koh-i-Nur, a hated symbol of monarchy and opulence.

    It would take until 1887 for the Punjabi Republic to finally deal with the diamond. Prem Nath Kaul was angered at how he was viewed as a replacement king, how citizens touched his feet like they would a statue of God, and he wanted the mythology of the monarchy dead forever. He declared that the crown jewels, among them the Koh-i-Nur, would be sold off, and the proceeds would contribute to a program of anti-malnutrition. This act, the Punjabi Republic selling symbols of the elite to help the people, had an impact on many, and it remains an important part of the republican mythos and Prem Nath Kaul's cult of personality; for all that he has been criticized as a military dictator today, few Punjabis lament its sale. The empty case it was sold in remains prominent in the national museum. After many rounds, the Koh-i-Nur was sold to the wealthy British Lupton family. In their family it was kept in many generations, until in 1924 it crossed the shores to the United States to a relative across the pond. He willed it in turn to the National Institute to Washington, DC, where it remains displayed to this day.
     
    Revolutionary Britain: Henry Brougham
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    Born within the middling orders in Scotland, Henry Brougham was influential at birth. He was educated in a prestigious school and at the University of Edinburgh he learned the sciences and mathematics. Though he initially went into the sciences, in 1800 he changed his mind and went into law, spending a lengthy period of time in the Scottish and English legal training systems. To gain money which he needed, he created the magazine the Edinburgh Review in 1802. This magazine contained from the outset a variety of topics, and Brougham was one of its foremost contributors; however, it also showed Brougham's deficiencies in the sciences as he viciously ridiculed and temporarily discredited the wave theory of light. Despite this, for all of his career Brougham had a keen interest in promoting science and knowledge. Furthermore, he gathered a circle of moderate radical Whigs around him who advocated modernistic and scientific reforms of British institutions, but from a perspective which drew from the Scottish Enlightenment.

    The Edinburgh Review proved a success, and when he moved to London in 1806 he quickly formed links with the Foxite Whigs. He quickly became drawn into politics, and during the brief Moira ministry in 1813 he received a public appointment. He quickly became known as a forceful speaker, associating himself with the radical-leaning Mountain Whigs led by the middle-class Samuel Whitbread. He decisively spearheaded such causes as legal reform, advocating that the chaotic state of English law be tidied and made to resemble Scottish law in character in the tradition of his fellow Scotsman Lord Mansfield, as well as abolitionism. He also continued to practice law, and most famously he defended radicals when they were tried for treason for being at St. Peters' Field during the infamous Manchester Massacre. During the 1820s repression he continued to resist the repression of political opposition, and after Samuel Whitbread was imprisoned in the Tower of London he served as the parliamentary leader of the Mountain Whigs.

    Then in 1827 the repression reached a breaking point and then came the Popular Revolution. During the Convention Parliament elections, he ran for an Edinburgh constituency and won, and he played a massive role in the writing of the Charter of Liberties and Securities and Frame of Government. As fundamentally conservative documents which owed much to the Scottish enlightenments, his fingerprints are all over it; he also ensured the formation of the Scottish Division of the Supreme Court, preserving Scottish legal distinctiveness. He was also influential in the creation of London University, the third university in England (excluding the complication of the Inns of Court). And finally, in 1829, he ran for the revolutionary parliament, and he quickly became an influential Mountain Whig frontbencher supportive of the government. He was at the front of the effort for abolishing slavery and he joined the law reform commission of the era. In 1831, with the collapse of the Whigs and formation of the embryo of the Radical Party, he became the Legislation Minister, an official responsible for looking after the law and continually revising it.

    In this position, he advocated the formation of law codes and the abolition of the common law, on the continental model true to his Scottish roots, and as reactionary judges continued to use the looseness of the common law to effectively nullify Parliament's will, calls for codification increased. In the 1830s he wrote the Criminal Code, the Procedure Code, and the Commercial Code; the first two laws perhaps had the most dramatic effects and swept aside the harsh penalties and the long procedure that marked the old law. He was also instrumental in the reconstruction of Parliament after its destruction by Orangemen on neoclassical lines, and he fought to popularize education among the working classes. In 1843, however, he achieved his greatest impact: the writing of new Civil Codes, ending the confusion of the common law at once. One existed for England and Ireland, and the other for Scotland, as a sop to Scottish legal distinctiveness, but both were almost identical and largely based on Scottish reform traditions. But it was this which also received the most scorn. Here was a Scottish man, advocating the end of England's much cherished common law! But he promoted the civil code, how it continued existing legal traditions, and he called it the pinnacle of the common law, not its end. He successfully forced it through. And in his honour, the legal system practiced by the British Isles and beyond has been known as the Brougham system ever since.

    Yet, he increasingly broke from his Radical Party. As the Radicals grew more pro-democracy, he increasingly wanted out. Democracy was never his goal; he wanted a more democratic British Isles, but not a fully democratic one. When the Young Britain movement led by Wilfrid Lawson took over the Radical Party, took power in 1846, and rammed through an Irish Legislature Act the following year, Brougham finally had it and attempted to use his position to weaken Lawson's position, and in reaction in 1848 he was kicked upstairs and made Justice Minister, to serve as President of the Supreme Court in a purely judicial role.

    Yet, in this position, he continued to push his reforms. He established a system of small arbitration courts on the French model. He fought for expanding the school network. He worked with the Chief Magistrate to establish an order of merit, the Order for Natural Philosophy, to recognize scientific achievement, and he erected statues to his scientific heroes. Thus he died in 1868, much admired for his lifetime fighting for reform, but not truly liked.

    Today, Brougham is considered a British national hero. The Brougham Codes are considered highly important laws in the British Isles, only second to the constitutional documents itself, and they have been much emulated. His legal defence of the radicals after the Manchester Massacre remains legendary and much beloved, and his Order for Natural Philosophy remains prominent despite occasional calls for abolishing orders of merit for being un-republican. Today, it is for all of these achievements that his fame remains secure.
     
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    Flag of the Hungarian Republic
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    Hungarian nationalism emerged on certain lines. Historically, the Hungarian Nation in medieval times referred to the elite upper-class, which was multicultural if largely Magyar in character, as represented in the Hungarian Diet; the common people, living as serfs, were wholly excluded from it. This nation was symbolized by the Crown of St. Stephen, then the great symbol of the nation. Fundamentally, this nationalism was centred around the "ancient rights" of the feudal elite. As the Habsburgs took control of the whole of Hungary by the eighteenth century and forced the elite to accept it, the eighteenth century "nationalistic" rebellions against them were often done by feudal lords who were typically Protestant in contrast to the Catholicism of the majority. Furthermore, when in 1780 the Habsburg ruler Joseph II tried to impose the German language and centralize administration, this caused cultural revivals among the elite. This changed with the French Revolution. The anti-aristocratic and anti-feudalist characteristics of it led to feelings of both horror and optimism across Europe, among them in Hungary. The period saw the creation of the Hungarian Jacobins, a group of highly rebellious and egalitarian aristocrats who wanted to establish a republic founded on liberty, equality, and fraternity, but in 1795 they were executed on charges of planning revolution. In general, the aristocracy of Hungary was fully against the French and their radical ideals, and supportive of the war effort which gave them new opportunities to export grain to the Habsburg armies. French attempts to incite a war for independence failed for the same reason. And so, in the early nineteenth century, Hungary was securely a feudalistic state.

    This was only threatened by the reformist nationalist magnate István Széchenyi in the 1820s. He supported the creation of a Hungarian nation led by the Magyars, by the elite, but with partial participation by the common people on the model of the British monarchy. He also supported fostering the Magyar vernacular as the lingua franca, but with full toleration of Hungary's many linguistic minorities. He also supported modernization of the economy and industrialization. For a time, his policies were quite popular among the elite, but this came crashing down when the British monarchy he idolized fell apart in 1827 in a revolution. Suddenly, his policies were viewed as the inevitable path to revolution, and in the Habsburg Monarchy, at war with France and ruled by the infamous Metternich, this led him to be viewed as a crypto-Jacobin. He was imprisoned for a time, and when he came out he lost much of his popularity. Other nationalists, who came predominately from the gentry, were also harassed by the secret police and found little support from the gentry. The cholera rebellion of 1831 only secured Hungarian magnates' hatred of the nationalist and liberal movement and their desires to collaborate with the ruling Habsburgs to stop revolution. And so such sentiments brewed beneath the surface.

    In the 1850s, a new cholera outbreak and subsequent government mismanagement caused new peasant rebellions; this time they were supported by a number of county diets, controlled by the gentry rather than the magnates. The Habsburg army subsequently crushed the county diets with the full support of the Hungarian Diet, which expelled those members who were sympathetic to the rebellions and accepted their arrest by the secret police; subsequently, the Diet also increased the property requirements for the county diets to prevent subversive elements from taking them over. However, the cholera outbreaks also inspired panic, which inspired reforms aimed at public health. Railways were also laid out in the 1850s and 60s, mainly to export grain to Germany, but they nonetheless inspired the creation of a new middle class wholly excluded from power. When famine in the 1870s caused discontent, this new class attempted to take over Pest and establish an independent state, but they lacked true support, their conspiracy was half-baked, and they were defeated, with many killed in the streets.

    This inspired the creation of the Young Hungarians by Hungarian emigre circles in Paris. Here, they planned for the circumstances to take over Hungary and establish its independence once and for all with liberal institutions, and they assured that the various minority cultures of Hungary (as represented by related emigre grouos) that they would see protection in any independent state. When the Habsburgs declared war on France with the goals of consolidating Germany under their headship in 1880, in Hungary there were palpable feelings of betrayal. The general feeling was that the Habsburgs which ruled them were now intent on turning them into a German colony, and when instead the magnates negotiated with the Habsburgs full and total autonomy of the feudal Diet in the wake of the German victory instead of declaring independence, many saw blood. The late 1880s saw a string of attacks and assassinations across Hungary by angry nationalists, and when in 1890 the new German Emperor sought to crown himself King of Hungary (in Pest in person, in an attempt to increase public support), he was stopped by a great number of nationalist mobs which attacked his convoy, and as a result he was instead forced to have his coronation in Vienna. Under traditional Hungarian constitutional thought, without a coronation, the kingdom was "orphaned" and in a period of interregnum; this was used to support a concurrent series of national revolts led by the Young Hungarians. They subsequently took over Pest and provincial capitals, and they declared the Hungarian Republic. The subsequent result of the Hungarian Revolution was a war with Germany, which France immediately joined in; after years of warfare, in 1894, Germany accepted Hungary's independence as a republic including all of the traditional kingdom of St. Stephen except Croatia. Its subsequent constitution assured universal male and female suffrage and rights for the linguistic minorities who made (and make) up a majority of Hungarians, while leaving the door open to the radical measures of land redistribution that shaped its early days as well as other measures aimed at ending the position of the magnate elite. Despite severe troubles with the military, with nationalism, with associationism, and with other issues, particularly during much of the early twentieth century, Hungarian democracy has stood strong.

    The flag of Hungary represents this. Its overall design is as a tricolour, consisting of the traditional colours of Hungary, representative of the republican values the nation is founded upon. The coat of arms is also representative of this, with all the traditional symbols of monarchy removed and replaced by the republican symbols of the laurel wreath and the Phrygian cap. The latter symbol is often associated with extreme radicalism and France today, and it became a Hungarian national symbol in reference to the much-idolized Hungarian Jacobins of the 1790s and their great struggle against both the elite oligarchy and the Habsburgs alike.
     
    Punjabi Republic: Dalip Singh
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    Dalip Singh was the first and only Maharaja of the Punjabi, ruling from 1882 following the overthrow of his son in a military coup, to 1883 following a second military coup.

    Born in Lahore, Dalip Singh lived with his mother Jind Kaur. Following Ranjit Singh's death, the court at Lahore turned into a centre of intrigue, and as a result for much of the 1840s they lived faraway in the small hill town of Jammu, where they established ties with local elites, and after Nau Nihal Singh ended the intrigue in Lahore they returned in 1847. There, Dalip Singh had a stringent education in the Sikh education system. He also became increasingly disgusted by court intrigue, finding it a bloody affair. But as a very young child in contrast to his many half-brothers, he was consistently sidelined, and when it came time for appointments, he was given military command relatively insignificant in contrast to the titular governorships his brothers gained. It was also amidst all this that he came into contact with the French envoys to Punjab, who were there as a result of French-Punjabi military ties. He also came across translations of Enlightenment works, spreading from Indian reformists in the British Raj, and he believed they could be the cure to many of the ills in Punjabi society. As such, in the 1850s and beyond, he gathered a circle of liberal and radical intellectuals around him, discussing how best to achieve Punjabi liberty and attempting to lobby for it. While initially this circle was viewed as consisting of harmless quacks, following the rise of Jawahar Singh to power in 1864, due to fears of rebellion in 1871 he forced Dalip Singh into internal exile in Jammu, where the governor kept a close eye on him.

    For a time he accepted this. But then came the Great Indian Famine of 1876-78. The response of the Punjabi state proved sluggish and intemperate, though it eventually resolved the issue. This, Dalip Singh proclaimed, could be resolved by a number of reforms - industrial development, increase of trade, and the creation of a parliament. These were certainly striking reforms to advocate. Gradually, the state of the Punjabi Empire grew more chaotic. It repulsed an Afghan invasion, most leading generals were implicated in a planned coup (though most historians today believe it was faked), and in 1881 the new leading general, Prem Nath Kaul, sent army troops within the capital for crowd control. It was clear that change was needed. Thus Dalip Singh moved back to Lahore, where he and his liberal circle got in contact with Prem Nath Kaul for a takeover. Dalip Singh assured Kaul that he would have a firm position on his side in the new Punjab - privately, he regarded Kaul as nothing more than a glorified court pandit, like the rest of the Kashmiri Pandits, who would follow his orders without being a threat. In 1882, Prem Nath Kaul orchestrated a coup d'etat in Lahore, removing Jawahar Singh from power and forcing him into an exile into the British Raj, where he was mysteriously killed a few years later. In his place Dalip Singh became king, with the title of "Maharaja of the Punjabi", a more popular one than what had existed, and he threw out most of the arbitrary long titles which Punjabi rulers formerly had. It was a symbol of his reforming liberal tendencies. And he immediately afterwards convened a popular assembly to serve as a constitutional convention. It was the first genuinely popular (to a degree) elections in Punjabi history.

    However, it was here he hit his first snags. The assembly viewed itself as the supreme authority, with full power as it saw fit. But Dalip Singh disagreed, and he viewed it as an advisory assembly he could freely dismiss. His positions, once liberal and radical, now fell behind the rapid pace of reform. These differences slowly but surely came to the surface. Beyond that, Prem Nath Kaul did not want to be sidelined, and he saw right through Dalip Singh's plan, and he quickly ingratiated himself with assembly members while giving Dalip Singh the impression that he was nothing more than his pet pandit. These differences came to a head when Dalip Singh gave a speech in person to the assembly - this alone required wrangling, as many members believed the king should be prohibited from doing this - where he laid out his positions to the assembly and laid out his desired constitution in extensive detail. The assembly immediately grew suspicious, viewing this sort of dictation as pure and unabashed absolutism, and its contents left much to be desired too. After the assembly adjourned, Prem Nath Kaul heard of this, and he condemned Dalip Singh as a reactionary. Flying the flag of revolution once more, Prem Nath Kaul declared the removal of Dalip Singh from his throne. In his 1883 coup, he personally marched into the royal palace, ripped off Dalip Singh's royal turban, and carried him to a train which would take him to Karachi, where he would be allowed to choose his exile. This he did, moving to Europe. He proved an ardent critic of Prem Nath Kaul, accusing him of being a Caesar or Cromwell, and in in the eyes of some these criticissm were proven correct when Prem Nath Kaul overthrew the Majlis in his 1890 coup d'etat - though Kaul never became Maharaja as some desired, instead famously declaring the constitution the true head of state. Dalip Singh died in 1893 in Germany.

    In his own time, he was initially viewed as a liberal and then as a reactionary. The attitudes of the time moved too swiftly and left him by. His overthrow in 1883, dramatic as it was, is an important part of Prem Nath Kaul's cult of personality, and as such he has received much hatred. With the advent of historical revisionism in the mid to late twentieth century, he has been held up by some for his allegedly prophetic claims of Prem Nath Kaul being a dictator, although in truth there were many accusing him of this. Some view him as a lost opportunity, who could have turned Punjab into a liberal monarchy. But ultimately he is mostly a footnote in the history books.
     
    Maharashtra: State of Satari
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    Satari is a constituent state of Maharashtra, which also encompasses the entirety of the Maharashtra-Goa border and surrounds Goa with the exception of the coast.

    Satari state is much shaped by its relationship to Goa. Following the Portuguese conquest of Goa, the region adjacent to Goa came to be known as the "Land of the Moors", in reference to the various Muslim kings which came to rule over the region in this period. During the Goan Inquisition which reached its peak in the seventeenth century, it became a place of refuge. When the Goan authorities threatened to smash Hindu idols, those idols were taken across the border for safekeeping; memories of this linger on in village festivals in which idols are taken to and from shrines across the border. When the Goan authorities banned Hindu marriage, couples would marry in the "Land of the Moors", to the irritation of the authorities which aimed at conversion. It was this relationship, as a borderland between Portuguese Goa and the Deccan, which shaped the region now known as Satari state.

    However, the region did eventually fall to Portuguese rule. In return for sanctuary against Mysorean conquests, in 1764 the Raja of Soonda ceded various territories, and in 1783 and 1788 the Raja of Savantvadi ceded more territories in return for Portuguese assistance. These territories were then integrated into Goa, forming a region, the "New Conquests", distinct from the "Old Conquests". By this point, the religious fervour of the Portuguese government had cooled and policies of enlightened absolutism meant the suppression of the Jesuits which had played an important role in converting the Old Conquests, and as such the New Conquests were able to retain their Hinduism. Nevertheless, this conquest forced the Portuguese authorities to meet and comes to term with a Maratha aristocracy local to the region. The most powerful aristocratic family was the Rane clan, based out of Satari, which repeatedly rebelled against the government and forced it to accept concessions[1]. These rebellions quickly acquired a very different character after the Goan Revolution broke out in 1830. With the sundering of colonial links between Goa and Portugal, the Rane family rebelled yet again to extract concessions. However, against the considerably weaker republican government, it proved able to launch attacks across Goa, and its success led it to grow yet more prominent. It acquired enormous territories, and in 1831 the Rane clan swore fealty to the Maharashtrian Peshwa in Puna. This implicitly brought the eye of the British Raj, whose subsidiary alliance with Maharashtra meant that the Rane clan too was suzerain to the British, and resulted in the British adjudicating a peace settlement giving the New Conquests to the Rane clan.

    The outstanding success of the Satari revolt, which succeeded beyond the Rane clan's dreams, led to the formation of Satari State, with Dipaji Rane as its Sardar. However, its success had consequences in Goa itself, where Hindu Goans were accused of being fifth columnists, and the Goan constitution's disenfranchisement of Hindus owes much to this moment. At the same time, Goa's status as a de facto British protectorate which emerged in this period meant that it became a trade entrepot, and trade routes inevitably marked their way across Satari State. This enabled the growth of a merchant class, one which was economically tied to Goa even if resentful of its overt anti-Hinduism, and its exclusion from the court in Satari city and ties to merchants in Puna and other parts of Maharashtra led to the first stirrings of Maharashtrian nationalism and liberalism. Ram Mohan Roy's presentation of a draft Charter of Liberties and Securities to the Peshwa saw petitions by the merchants of Satari and Sankhali. At the same time, in Goa, a movement advocating religious equality for Hindus emerged, and this also saw the support of these merchant classes; yet, it allowed the Goan government to suppress Hindu rights movements on the basis of them being "under the control" of foreign merchants, and that these merchants were Brahmins and Shudras alienated the powerful Hindu Kshatriya classes of Goa. These ties were only decisively severed by the great Hindu Goan politician Pretâp Sinğ, whose Religious Liberty Association prohibited money coming from foreigners as a move to prevent the Goan government from accusing them of being mere Rane puppets. This movement decisively succeeded with this strategy, but in the act it also detached the Satari merchants from their ties into Goan politics. This meant that, after the Great Indian Famine of 1876-78 inspired a frenzy for administrative reform and centralization within Maharashtra, those merchants supported it; when the eventual result was a Maharashtrian parliament, this meant that, once and for all, Satari would look to Puna for its politics, not to Mormugao, and the good relations inspired by Goa's Hindu emancipation did nothing to prevent this.

    Satari later saw, in conjunction with many other Maharashtrian states, a movement for a local legislature, which eventually marked its success after 1927. The codification of the Concani language in Goa had little effect in Satari; despite its spoken variety being far more similar to Concani than Marathi, the people of the state overwhelmingly rejected it in favour of retaining Marathi.

    Today, Satari is very much shaped by being a borderland between Maharashtra and Goa. There remain distinct similarities in the spoken tongue of Satari and Goa, and there is a clear correspondence in festivals among Satarians and Hindu Goans. Economic ties remain prominent, and the movement for unifying Goa into Maharashtra has a clear centre in Satari. But nevertheless, Satari ultimately looks east to Puna, not west to Mormugao.




    [1] In OTL, the Rane family rebelled against the Portuguese government twenty times between the eighteenth and early twentieth centuries, with their last rebellion being in 1912 and ending with them being deported to Portuguese Angola.
     
    Revolutionary Britain: Board of National Colleges
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    rect1395.pngThe Board of National Colleges is a government board in the British Isles which is responsible for administering National Colleges, a network of elite post-secondary schools, only open to British citizens, which trains students for jobs within the Public Service. Representative of its ambiguous placement within the bureaucracy, it is, as such, constituted by members coming from the various National Colleges, in addition to members appointed by the Public Service Secretary, and it is presided and chaired by figures appointed by the Minister of Education, in a makeup established to grant authority over it to the Education Ministry, while ensuring the representation of the Public Service in addition to the National Colleges themselves.

    The National College system originates with the British East India Company. As it conquered vast swathes of India in the late eighteenth century, it suddenly found itself having gone from a trading company into a state within a state. This, and the potential rise of vast numbers of patronage positions, quickly received the attention of many in Britain itself - famously, in 1783, the Fox-North Coalition proposed a law which established an executive commission in charge of appointments to British India, only to fail after Tories accused Charles James Fox of proposing this law as part of a plot to take over the British Isles using the patronage of the British Raj to make himself dictator, and stirred up a frenzy which saw the Tories come to power, which they only relinquished in 1827. The sudden need for public service personnel to administer the British Raj required the training of officials, which resulted in the creation of the East India Company College in 1806, which sought to do exactly that with the finest tutors British money could buy. This was supplemented with an examination system inspired by that of China, to ensure that civil service placements required some degree of merit. The East India Company College, a relatively small institution which aimed to train (British) personnel for the public service in the Company Raj, is generally considered the first National College, though this is sometimes disputed with the Inns of Court.

    Following the Popular Revolution in 1827 and the overthrow of the Frederician regime, the new administration sought administrative reform. With the monarchy replaced with a figurehead administration and the executive branch fused into Parliament, the potential for patronage and corruption suddenly seemed much greater with the public service. The public service quickly ballooned in size with the rise of the New Poor Law, a new Health Code, the establishment of county police, and the expansion of public works. With the nationalization of the East India Company in 1833, the College which was associated with it became an educational institution for public servants; in this regard, Haileybury College still stands to this day. In 1835, a commission looked into how the public service could be refined and the danger of patronage lessened, and it ultimately came to the conclusion that this was best done with the institution of a system of examination inspired by Imperial China. This quickly received the scorn of many, who alleged that examinations were "un-British", "Oriental", and "barbaric", but nevertheless in 1836 the Whitbread ministry forced through the institution of a system of public examinations for public service jobs.

    In the same period, the issue of legal reform came to the surface. The common law was codified and replaced by a series of law codes in this period, inspired by the writings of Bentham. But in this period also came a suspicion of lawyers, much inspired by Jeremy Bentham who viewed them as the embodiment of the "sinister interest" which prevented all legal reform and the rise of democracy. A commission revealed that the Inns of Court, in which lawyers are educated, was an institution devoid of virtually all education to the extent that all legal education was by self-study, and this inspired their 1836 reconstitution into a Legal University with the goal of training lawyers. Its specific goal, of training lawyers, has led many to call it the "first National College" (in addition to its older epithet as the "third English university"), but lawyers are primarily employed in the private sector and indeed, it was only in 1899 with C. J. F. Martineau's ambitious reforms that the Indigent Advocates, employed by the state to ensure anyone would be legally represented, were formed. The scandal, and the reconstitution of Inns, inspired discussion to exclude lawyers from being able to become judges, and in 1837, the government established the Magisterial College, which aimed specifically to train judges for employment. While initially lawyers simply enrolled in the Magisterial College to become judges, over time the two fields have diverged and today the judiciary and the bar require two entirely distinct (if intersecting) fields of study.

    Further expansion of the bureaucracy following the establishment of a health administration and streamlining of electoral administration in the 1840s resulted in the expansion of examinations, and Haileybury College became far larger and expansive in what it taught. During Wilfrid Lawson's long field of tenure as Prime Minister (1846-1856), the need for a professionalized diplomatic corps during the New Granadine War of Independence resulted in the rapid expansion of the foreign service and Haileybury's educational institutions becoming larger. However, the independence of the public service rapidly came under strain in this period, and the ultimate defeat of Lawson's Radicals in the 1856 election was caused in no small part by accusations that he sought to use the patronage of the public service to make himself dictator. Lord John Russell's second tenure as prime minister saw moves towards ensuring the independence of the civil service, and when the Radicals won back power in 1860, they pursued a program of streamlining the civil service. Haileybury College was reduced to training foreign and colonial service personnel, while separate colleges, most notably National Administration College, were created to train local administrators. In addition to military academies, these quickly became informally known as "National Colleges", in reference that most of them included "College" in their name, as well as their national purpose to train administrators. They also quickly created an informal board around the Education Ministry, as part of the same frenzy that also saw rapid expansion of the university system. Under Prime Minister C. J. F. Martineau, in 1901 this board was formalized to create the form that exists today.

    The top-level National Colleges include as follows, note that smaller National Colleges, which are also represented on the Board, are excluded:
    • Haileybury College
    • Magisterial College
    • National Administration College
    • Health and Indigent Studies College
    • National Military College
    • National Navy College
    • National Aerial Military College
    • National College for Political Sciences
    • National Rocketry and Aeronautics College
     
    Revolutionary Britain: Secret Ballot Act 1844
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    The Secret Ballot Act 1844 was a law establishing the secret ballot as the system of election in the British Isles.

    Historically, in parliamentary elections, the British Isles used a system of election in which voters stood on hustings and publicly declared the vote. Though there were regulations in place to prohibit the interference and intimidation by public arms, in practice unofficial intimidation existed by employers and landlords. At the municipal elections, a variety of other election methods were used, including open balloting, but in general municipal elections were oligarchical in character. However, this slowly became more and more unacceptable over the course of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, as the corrupt nature of the British political system received scorn by believers in Enlightenment ideals, and the lack of vote secrecy was one common criticism. As the United States and France implemented open ballot systems, this voice increased, and following the Popular Revolution putting an end to the Guelph monarchy in 1827, this voice became a crescendo.

    Yet, during the convening of the Convention Parliament, it failed to achieve official status. This has to do with a few reasons. First, the Popular Revolution was, to many, a revolution seeking to restore the balance of political power after the perceived aggrandizement of power by the monarchy, and the secret ballot was naturally not part of this agenda. Second, many believed the public vote was a good thing, as they believed the vote was not a right held by the individual, but a trust accountable to the community as a whole. Finally, the Constitution of 1829 was fundamentally the work of a union of Whigs and Radicals, and while the Whigs were uniformly believers in a public ballot, the Radicals of the time were just as disunited on whether the vote should be secret as they were on every other issue.

    The belief in a public vote, however, was gradually whittled away in the immediate post-revolutionary period. British election culture was long marked by a raucous atmosphere; the Westminster constituency, one of the few to have a genuinely popular constituent political culture in the pre-revolutionary Parliament, often had deaths caused by electoral violence and the election hustings were ritualistically destroyed by mobs after every election. The Popular Revolution saw a massive enfranchisement of voters and the creation of single-member constituencies; in combination, this made elections far more competitive than they had ever been and caused the spread of this very same political culture. Elections were bloody affairs everywhere, and as the novelty wore off many chose to stay away. More than a few times, polling offices were overrun by mobs which attempted to send false electoral returns for their candidate. It horrified many, and made Britain even fewer friends on the continent than it already had.

    Attempts were made to stem this. In 1835, the Whitbread administration formalized the electoral administration into a single National Elections Office led by an Election-Master-General, along with District Elections Offices subsidiary to it, and Polling Elections Offices subsidiary in turn with it, with uniforms to emphasize their separateness from other administrative institutions. It also established a centralized address system to ensure the verification of locales of voters. Despite accusations of this being a "French-style" centralization, it nevertheless passed through Parliament. Furthermore, during the election period, each polling office would have an Elections Jury, a body of citizens selected randomly with the duty of examining the process of elections and reporting on them; on a unanimous vote it had the power holding a re-poll. In this era the jury was deeply beloved and its "purity" was an obsession of virtually every political faction, and some even proclaimed that the purpose of the entire British constitution was to put twelve good men into a jury; this was a blatant attempt to use this lustre to increase confidence in the electoral process. In the atmosphere of the time it was highly improbable that an entire jury would hold a re-poll, but on occasion it did happen for purely political reasons, and this led to the Secret Ballot Act making them purely advisory. But for the most part, these measures increased confidence in the electoral process. But the violence continued.

    As violence broke out, calls for a secret ballot increased. In 1834, a ballot system based on the US - the "secret ballot cast in open" - was implemented in municipal elections. However, any measure of secrecy was quickly obviated by the use of differing-sized and -coloured ballots which made it an open ballot system in effect. Many noted this, and began to theorize on other ballot systems. George Grote created an elaborate contraption that would mark a hole in a paper; others proposed the use of a machine which would have slots corresponding to candidates in which voters could thrown balls in; this would be detected mechanically. But neither the Hobhouse nor Russell administrations supported the secret ballot, and when the Radical Party of Whitbread came to power in 1844, it was they who implemented the secret ballot as a measure to cut down on violence. It received a surprising amount of Moderate support for that very reason.

    By the Secret Ballot Act 1844, the secret ballot was made official for all elections. It was in many ways an adjustment of the American-style open ballot used in municipal elections. This procedure consisted as followed: Upon an election, voters would be directed to a polling booth made secret with a curtain; many ironically compared them to Catholic confessional booths. There, a voter would find a table with stacks of papers, designated ballots, on which are printed the names of a candidate with as many stacks as candidates, along with an envelope, and the voter would then put a ballot into the envelope and secure it shut with a stamp, the "Penny Electoral". The voter would then take the envelope out of the booth and, in public, put it into the ballot box. A ballot box was a box of cast iron or wood, with a lid that could be locked and a slot-hole which could be closed with a lockable slat. Upon the completion of a local election, with the election jurors in observance, the polling district clerk would close the ballot box slat and seal it with the Seal of Parliament. This ballot box would then be moved, through a secure yet publicized mode of transport along a pre-agreed efficient route, to the election office of the district being polled for, where they would be counted. Members of the public would be admitted the office to observe this process. Here, all ballot boxes would be checked to determine if they are accounted for, and the seals would be checked; then, the ballot box would be opened. In a long process, envelopes would be opened, and if each envelope contained only one appropriate ballot, they would be counted. Upon the completion of the counting process, the returns would be posted outside doors, published in the national gazette, and the Elections Clerk would officially declare the returns in public.

    This law, enshrining the modern secret ballot into existence, proved revolutionary. In an instant, at last elections were tamed. No longer was horrific violence part of the electoral process; it was now an exception. This was decisively proven in a special election a few weeks after the act received magisterial assent, which was so calm, so lacking in chaos, that to many it barely seemed like an election. Furthermore, the secret ballot prototyped in this law spread around the world, and today the secret ballot is considered a necessary part of democracy. In this way, the Secret Ballot Act is one of the most important laws of history.
     
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