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If those who had died in "their time" had lived longer (if Oscar Wilde had seen WWI and other ideas)

Nikita Khrushchev living until Mikhail Gorbachev's reign would be interesting, although he'd be in his 90s by that point. It would be especially interesting if he lived until the late Gorbachev period, and to see his takes on the momentous changes that occurred in 1989. It would also be interesting to see how Gorbachev treats a living Khrushchev; does Gorbachev invite him to rejoin the Party and trumpet his accomplishments, or would Khrushchev be largely ignored?
 
If John Tzimisces lives longer (d at around 47 in 976) he does not have any sons so he does not establish a dynasty, and he presumably acts as a continuing 'regent'/ co-emperor to the young Basil II, born 958, and Constantine VIII, born 960/1. Despite his ferocious later reputation Basil II the 'Bulgar-Slayer' was a relatively relaxed, hedonistic and party-loving young man as emperor in the period 976-88, and not a particularly good general either until he had experience - he left civil govt to his chief minister and cousin the eunuch chamberlain Basil the 'paracoemomenus' (Byz govt / palace term for his job) until 985, the latter being a suspect for possibly poisoning Tzimisces, and in 985 was trapped and defeated in the Balkan mountains in a trap in a mountain pass by the Bulgarians. If we have the continuing rule of Tzimisces until Basil II is in his twenties, then Basil may get a better and more capable military training. the chamberlain does not run the govt, and the far more experienced Tzimisces may well defeat any Bulgarian revolt that breaks out in the 970s not let it get out of hand as Basil II did. Given that the revolt occurred in OTL as the leaders, the 'Cometopouli' (Sons of the Comet) brothers, fled to the safety of the mountains from the Byz-held lowlands of Bulgaria and started a revolt only when Tzimisces died, if he is still alive do they even revolt?Or if they do and other rebels flee Byz rule, they could be restricted to a mountain and forest guerilla insurgency and Tzimisces can keep control of the lowlands by yearly campaigning - he knows the area well from overunning it in 972 and driving the Russians out , and has the prestige of its conqueror and a loyal army used to fighting for him. The Bulgarian reconquest of most of modern Bulgaria and push S to Thessaly and Thermopylae only followed Basil's defeat in 985 - no defeat, no such success and only a containable insurgency? No subsequent atrocities by Basil, at least until a later rebellion and then on a lesser scale?

ALso to be considered : 1. Tzimisces marched across S Syria into Galilee after retaking coastal Syria and modern N Lebanon - and came close to Jerusalem, This was a razzia not a town-taking reconquest, and he had no inland conquests , and the region was in flux as the Abbasids and the local Hamdanids of Aleppo/ Mosul were in eclipse and the new arrivals the Fatimids (Shi'a so 'heretics' to the Sunni, with their own Caliph , and Tunisians who had only just taken Egypt) were not secure and had only just moved their HQ from Tunis and founded their new capital 'Al-Qahira' (the Victorious) aka Cairo. But the Byz had the momentum in the region in the early-mid 970s, though Tzimisces was more interested in conquests in modern SE Turkey, running E to Diyarbakir and towards Mosul. If he lives the Byz can control Lebanon better , allied to the Maronites (T isn't too bothered about them not being Orthodox) , and perhaps take the Palestinian ports as far S as Gaza. If the Byz can keep a presence here until the Turks arrive in the 1070s, and dominate the seas, is there any need for the Crusades?? (Cf the title of Edwardian scholar Frederic Harrison's book on the Byzantine 960s which I read at college but is now forgotten, 'The Tenth Century Crusade'.)
2. Tzimisces was an Armenian and linked to the major noble landowning dynasties of E Asia Minor who dominated the Byz army's cavalry (they ran stud-farms) and the generalship in the 950s to 980s, eg the Scleroi - though hostile to the family of his own mentor and predecessor as Emperor, the Asia Minor general Nicephorus II Phocas, who he had famously hacked to death at the Palace in Constantinople in person in 969 during his coup. The Phocae under NP's nephews hated him, but the Scleroi and others were his allies and proteges. In OTL both rose against Basil and held him at bay in civil wars to 989; if Tzimisces lives there is no civil war, they are his allies , and if the nobles are marginalised from the army at all this is not until he is dead. Again, no civil war at all, as no major Bulgarian war? And as Basil does not need foreign aid, no 988 alliance with Russia and no hiring of the Varangian Guard? I can still see the wise and far-seeing John Tzimisces allying with the major steppe threat Russia, who he defeated in Bulgaria in 972, and marrying a princess off to Vladimir and making him convert to Orthodoxy but not from such a weak position.

If Tzimisces lives,does he bully his protege Basil II into marrying, and so Basil has a son available to succeed him in 1025? So no weak ruler Constantine VIII after him, no need to find husbands for C's daughter Zoe, and a far stronger Byz position in the mid-C11th? Butterflies abound for the next century , esp if a competent Byz general as Emperor (Constantine Dalassenus, George Maniaces, or Isaac Comnenus) can get a grip on the Turks and avoid Manzikert.
Cf my Byz 'What If' book, 'Caesars of the Bosphorus', where I go into this and other C11th counterfactuals in detail in the final 2 chapters.
 
Nikita Khrushchev living until Mikhail Gorbachev's reign would be interesting, although he'd be in his 90s by that point. It would be especially interesting if he lived until the late Gorbachev period, and to see his takes on the momentous changes that occurred in 1989. It would also be interesting to see how Gorbachev treats a living Khrushchev; does Gorbachev invite him to rejoin the Party and trumpet his accomplishments, or would Khrushchev be largely ignored?
Molotov and Kaganovich both did, though the former had dementia and didn't really take it in. Both are actually more poignant figures than the shoebanger in that they dated back to the Old Bolsheviks.
 
What if William Wallace Lincoln (Abraham Lincoln's third son, and possibly his favorite) survived the typhoid fever that killed him in 1862, at age 11? Not sure how much would change, apart from the Lincoln family's stability and mental health, but the idea of a Lincoln political dynasty stretching into the modern era, like that of the Kennedys, is quite appealing. Maybe Robert and/or Willie would run for President at some point--perhaps just before or during WWI, or on the cusp of another, AH national crisis for which the name "Lincoln" would be both reassuring and incendiary?
 
I've actually been using several life expectancy calculators to get an estimate for how long a Nicolae Ceausescu (5'6", 71 year old at time of divergence, diabetic and in an inherently stressful job but otherwise clean-living[1]) who survived to die of natural causes would last.

It obviously ranges, and I got from 79 to 88 years.

[1]Yes, I looked it up.
 
If John Tzimisces lives longer (d at around 47 in 976) he does not have any sons so he does not establish a dynasty, and he presumably acts as a continuing 'regent'/ co-emperor to the young Basil II, born 958, and Constantine VIII, born 960/1. Despite his ferocious later reputation Basil II the 'Bulgar-Slayer' was a relatively relaxed, hedonistic and party-loving young man as emperor in the period 976-88, and not a particularly good general either until he had experience - he left civil govt to his chief minister and cousin the eunuch chamberlain Basil the 'paracoemomenus' (Byz govt / palace term for his job) until 985, the latter being a suspect for possibly poisoning Tzimisces, and in 985 was trapped and defeated in the Balkan mountains in a trap in a mountain pass by the Bulgarians. If we have the continuing rule of Tzimisces until Basil II is in his twenties, then Basil may get a better and more capable military training. the chamberlain does not run the govt, and the far more experienced Tzimisces may well defeat any Bulgarian revolt that breaks out in the 970s not let it get out of hand as Basil II did. Given that the revolt occurred in OTL as the leaders, the 'Cometopouli' (Sons of the Comet) brothers, fled to the safety of the mountains from the Byz-held lowlands of Bulgaria and started a revolt only when Tzimisces died, if he is still alive do they even revolt?Or if they do and other rebels flee Byz rule, they could be restricted to a mountain and forest guerilla insurgency and Tzimisces can keep control of the lowlands by yearly campaigning - he knows the area well from overunning it in 972 and driving the Russians out , and has the prestige of its conqueror and a loyal army used to fighting for him. The Bulgarian reconquest of most of modern Bulgaria and push S to Thessaly and Thermopylae only followed Basil's defeat in 985 - no defeat, no such success and only a containable insurgency? No subsequent atrocities by Basil, at least until a later rebellion and then on a lesser scale?

ALso to be considered : 1. Tzimisces marched across S Syria into Galilee after retaking coastal Syria and modern N Lebanon - and came close to Jerusalem, This was a razzia not a town-taking reconquest, and he had no inland conquests , and the region was in flux as the Abbasids and the local Hamdanids of Aleppo/ Mosul were in eclipse and the new arrivals the Fatimids (Shi'a so 'heretics' to the Sunni, with their own Caliph , and Tunisians who had only just taken Egypt) were not secure and had only just moved their HQ from Tunis and founded their new capital 'Al-Qahira' (the Victorious) aka Cairo. But the Byz had the momentum in the region in the early-mid 970s, though Tzimisces was more interested in conquests in modern SE Turkey, running E to Diyarbakir and towards Mosul. If he lives the Byz can control Lebanon better , allied to the Maronites (T isn't too bothered about them not being Orthodox) , and perhaps take the Palestinian ports as far S as Gaza. If the Byz can keep a presence here until the Turks arrive in the 1070s, and dominate the seas, is there any need for the Crusades?? (Cf the title of Edwardian scholar Frederic Harrison's book on the Byzantine 960s which I read at college but is now forgotten, 'The Tenth Century Crusade'.)
2. Tzimisces was an Armenian and linked to the major noble landowning dynasties of E Asia Minor who dominated the Byz army's cavalry (they ran stud-farms) and the generalship in the 950s to 980s, eg the Scleroi - though hostile to the family of his own mentor and predecessor as Emperor, the Asia Minor general Nicephorus II Phocas, who he had famously hacked to death at the Palace in Constantinople in person in 969 during his coup. The Phocae under NP's nephews hated him, but the Scleroi and others were his allies and proteges. In OTL both rose against Basil and held him at bay in civil wars to 989; if Tzimisces lives there is no civil war, they are his allies , and if the nobles are marginalised from the army at all this is not until he is dead. Again, no civil war at all, as no major Bulgarian war? And as Basil does not need foreign aid, no 988 alliance with Russia and no hiring of the Varangian Guard? I can still see the wise and far-seeing John Tzimisces allying with the major steppe threat Russia, who he defeated in Bulgaria in 972, and marrying a princess off to Vladimir and making him convert to Orthodoxy but not from such a weak position.

If Tzimisces lives,does he bully his protege Basil II into marrying, and so Basil has a son available to succeed him in 1025? So no weak ruler Constantine VIII after him, no need to find husbands for C's daughter Zoe, and a far stronger Byz position in the mid-C11th? Butterflies abound for the next century , esp if a competent Byz general as Emperor (Constantine Dalassenus, George Maniaces, or Isaac Comnenus) can get a grip on the Turks and avoid Manzikert.
Cf my Byz 'What If' book, 'Caesars of the Bosphorus', where I go into this and other C11th counterfactuals in detail in the final 2 chapters.

So I uh, wrote a thing.

http://forum.sealionpress.co.uk/index.php?threads/the-macedonian-succession.2717/
 
What if William Wallace Lincoln (Abraham Lincoln's third son, and possibly his favorite) survived the typhoid fever that killed him in 1862, at age 11? Not sure how much would change, apart from the Lincoln family's stability and mental health, but the idea of a Lincoln political dynasty stretching into the modern era, like that of the Kennedys, is quite appealing. Maybe Robert and/or Willie would run for President at some point--perhaps just before or during WWI, or on the cusp of another, AH national crisis for which the name "Lincoln" would be both reassuring and incendiary?

Could also do something with Robert Todd's only son Abraham Lincoln II, who died in his teens.

He was supposedly intelligent and promising, though some of that might be the result of mythologising in hindsight after his death. Having granddad's name would also be rather evocative if he pursues politics.
 
I've heard people say that George Orwell was moving rightwards near the end of his life, but that may have just been a reaction to discovering his part in giving names to MI5 and his general anti-Soviet attitudes. Another thirty years and he may have gone right-wing, but maybe he would have ironically become a tankie for Mao's China, or stayed the same and be vindicated by 1956.

The idea he was going rightward is an invention by certain anti-communists who understood the power of his work but didn't like the shades of (supposed) grey that came with a left-wing anti-Stalinist. As early as the 1950s his positions were being fudged. An American edition of his works quoted Why I Write, "All my writing is dedicated, directly or indirectly, to opposing totalitarianism...", cutting off the end of the sentence, "...and promoting democratic socialism". Hell, he got posthumously awarded a Conservative Author prize, something he certainly wouldn't have accepted in life and for that reason certainly wouldn't have been offered. Its much easy to warp someone's ideas after they die.

In the face of the Cold War, those Soviet-sympathising intellectuals he'd called morons and hypocrites in the 1930s were now possible allies of THE threat to freedom. So giving a list to the government isn't terribly surprising. He also had a great dislike of 'hippy' lefties, the "fruit juice drinkers", so I imagine he wouldn't get along with much of the New Left.

Another idea for right-wing shift is the path many New Deal Liberals had into becoming Neo-Conservatives - I've heard this mentioned by those who want to claim him for the Right. But they were simply abandoning Keynesian capitalism for the new Monetarist model while keeping their anti-communism. In terms of economics, nothing about Orwell's life implies such motivations - the death of Bretton Woods isn't going to shake his democratic socialism. Other socialists abandoned their ideology on discovering the failings and horrors of Communist states but such things reinforced Orwell's socialist beliefs because he'd seen 'true' socialists fight the Communists in Spain. He'd definately be writing about Hungary '56 and Prague '68. Be interesting to see his views on decolonisation too.

Which isn't to say its impossible - an extra thirty years can do a lot - but there's no inherent basis for it.

Something that has a little basis if his relationship with the Labour Party. When it came to elections he was a realist and supported Labour as the best option on the table. He had loose connections to Nye Bevan in his last years and appreciated the left-wing anti-communist aspect of the party, even if it was quite pink. A "revolutionary must also be a patriot" and all that.

So perhaps given age and the grind of the Cold War he does join the Right... just the Old Labour Right. Hell, he mentioned supporting the idea of European federalism too - the septugenarian Lord Orwell (SDP) anyone? Not likely but about as likely as him giving Thatcher and Reagan a thumbs-up.
 
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The idea he was going rightward is an invention by certain anti-communists who understood the power of his work but didn't like the shades of (supposed) grey that came with a left-wing anti-Stalinist. As early as the 1950s his positions were being fudged. An American edition of his works quoted Why I Write, "All my writing is dedicated, directly or indirectly, to opposing totalitarianism...", cutting off the end of the sentence, "...and promoting democratic socialism". Hell, he got posthumously awarded a Conservative Author prize, something he certainly wouldn't have accepted in life and for that reason certainly wouldn't have been offered. Its much easy to warp someone's ideas after they die.
Similarly disingenuous attempts are made with depressing regularity to posthumously rebrand Martin Luther King as a conservative. Yet I have no doubt that, had he made it to the Reagan presidency without getting assassinated or his health giving out, he would have had choice words about the Gipper's policies, let alone his general approach to race relations.
 
I think any move 'rightwards' by a surviving Orwell was only going to be comparitive, and varying according to the exact circumstances of the time in question. As of 1950-53 his dislike of totalitarianism would have been pushing him to criticise the stifling of parliamentary opposition, removal of moderate socialist and liberal ministers, and rigged elections in Eastern Europe, not to mention the 1984-style prison camps run by regimes like Rumania, and dubious Stalinist goings-on in flashpoints which had substantial UK connections (eg exiles highlighting the issues) like the Gottwald regime in Czechoslovakia and the Bierut regime in Poland would probably see him aligned to the opposition there and their exile allies in UK. If he was writing and broadcasting on these matters I can see him being called in as a useful high-profile supporter by the conservatives in UK and the US (Radio Free Europe, and also hopeful background CIA planners?) as proof that 'look, these people are so awful that even ex-Trotskyist Orwell is now on our side'. Some US Republicans who did not understand his writings in total and in the long term would think this plus the anti-Stalinist stance of '1984' would make him a useful 'agent of influence' and perhaps ask him for help , via 'neutral' intermediaries, on identifying undercover Stalinists among his left-wing friends.

But as soon as a major colonial crisis erupted, most obviously Suez, he would be reverting to the anti-colonial stance of his earlier positions, not least given his earlier experiences in Burma; I can see him up on the podium at the anti-Suez Trafalgar Square rally during the crisis condemning the crassness and arrogance of British imperialism. (Result, an unlikely 'patriotic but questioning version of English nationalism , suspicious of Suez-style bullying and of the corporatist EEC, between him and Gaitskell as well as a closer link with Bevan?) This would disillusion anyone who thought Orwell was an unthinking right-winger in his reaction to Stalin, and counteract any public criticism he was currently making of the USSR over the crushing of Hungary.

Later do we have similar misapprehension of Orwell's 'turning Conservative' over his probable support for Ian Macleod as Colonial Secretary and rapid decolonization in the early 1960s? Countered by him criticizing Macmillan for his 'old boys' network' of his friends and relatives in his Cabinet, though ironically GO was an Old Etonian too, and in the mid-1960s Orwell attacking Wilson for not doing anything serious to coerce Rhodesian UDI? Given his anti-colonial past and knowledge, he might be called in as an outside supporter to back up the 1964-70 Labour govt's colonial and 'retreat from East of Suez' policies, with his robustness and scepticism appealing to (similarly ex-Communist) Defence Secretary Denis Healey. But he was too individualistic, and possibly too frail even if his TB had been contained, to have joined the mainstream political struggle and got a seat as an MP, unless as a special favour with a seat that was rock-solid (inheriting Ebbw Vale from Bevan instead of it going to Michael Foot?) or to have ever taken a seat in the Lords which was anathema to his beliefs! He's more likely to have kept on as a 'gadfly' journalist like Foot in the 1960s, with a 'writing retreat' on Jura.
 
I'm fully and totally convinced - as an instinct - that Orwell would have gone further right had he lived, and I don't think it's a stretch based on extrapolations of his actual views into the near future after his death. His general cultural conservatism, which ranged over hatred of pacifists, gays, and 'unpatriotic' intellectuals as detailed in the Lion and the Unicorn - some passages could only be comfortably espoused by a Faragist today - means it's almost inevitable there's going to be a crisis period for him in the post-war period, which can happen absolutely no later than the late sixties and emergence period of the New Left. Obviously we also didn't see his anti-totalitarianism interacting with the politics of the Cold War in any real sense either, though him being the sort of person who would supply names clearly confirms this wouldn't have been an abstract fight for him. He also didn't live to see decolonisation becoming a properly mainstream political force.

It's really not surprising that he's ended up as a Socialist writer who various shades of the right have frequently felt comfortable with for varying reasons pretty much ever since his death. I find it surprising that people themselves often profess themselves surprised by this.

I don't think it's at all inevitable Orwell goes Full Alfred Sherman but it's possible if not even likely that he ends up in some kind of Dead Hitchens-esque non-denominational space and pretty much disowned or self-disowning of conventional political labels.
 
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What might've been been different had Hamnet (William Shakespeare's son) lived to adulthood instead of dying at age 11? Some argue that his childhood death pushed his father into writing tragedies, but I have doubts; nonetheless, how might Shakespeare's career have gone differently if he had a living son and heir? And would Hamnet have followed his father into acting and playwriting, or might he have chosen some other path?

One cobbled-together thought coming to mind: An adult Hamnet and his father have some kind of falling out, leading to Hamnet joining the English forces in the Thirty Years' War, or the Anglo-French War in 1627. During this service, he experiences adventures that seem to reference many of his father's works, and give him inspiration for his own writing...though he may not survive to set them down.

Thoughts?
 
What might've been been different had Hamnet (William Shakespeare's son) lived to adulthood instead of dying at age 11? Some argue that his childhood death pushed his father into writing tragedies, but I have doubts; nonetheless, how might Shakespeare's career have gone differently if he had a living son and heir? And would Hamnet have followed his father into acting and playwriting, or might he have chosen some other path?

One cobbled-together thought coming to mind: An adult Hamnet and his father have some kind of falling out, leading to Hamnet joining the English forces in the Thirty Years' War, or the Anglo-French War in 1627. During this service, he experiences adventures that seem to reference many of his father's works, and give him inspiration for his own writing...though he may not survive to set them down.

Thoughts?
This is all a great idea but I want to take this opportunity to say as (I think) one of the board's resident Shakespeareans, we just don't know. Hamnet was 11 when he died, as you say, and that's one of the only two things about him that we know for certain: the other is that he was likely named after Stratford resident Hamnet (also spelled Hamlett) Sadler, a local baker and likely Shakespeare friend who witnessed Will's, er, will. But what an early modern preteen's mental life is like, and where it might have gone had he lived a bit longer, is basically something beyond any reasonable speculation. Ben Jonson, as you might know, lost a son just as Shakespeare did, and wrote an absolutely gorgeous and utterly heartbreaking poem about it. We know more, I think, about this Ben Jonson, Jr. – Ben had (at least) two sons named that, if I recall correctly – but we still know literally nothing. Did Hamnet play in the theater? We don't know. Was he inspired by his father? Did he dislike him? Was he ever even in London to see his father's plays or his father's acting? Did he even leave Stratford? We just don't know.

I can accept to some degree the argument that losing a son sent Shakespeare to a dark place – there's every chance it informed that speech of Constance's about losing her son in King John – but I think it's worth noting that Shakespeare wrote the Henry IV plays and Merry Wives probably less than a year – maybe eight months or so? – after his son's death, which, while certainly dark in more than a few moments (the rejection scene in 2 Henry IV brought me to tears whenever I did it) are not exactly the utterly hopeless affairs that are King Lear or Troilus and Cressida, the former of which was written likely over a decade after Hamnet's death. I would also add that Shakespeare was capable of writing tragedy (maybe more tragedy of blood style tragedy, but your mileage may very) before Hamnet's death – Titus is a tragedy, and, in my opinion, far better than the bloody burlesque it's sold as, and Richard III's last scenes showcase misery to a degree comparable to the tragic speeches of other great heroes (admittedly, the Henry VIs may be a counterargument because they're just Look What I Wrote, Kit Marlowe!, even if you believe that Marlowe worked on them – which I think I do).

Personally, I don't know if I think Hamnet Shakespeare ever left Stratford. If he lives, the likeliest outcome, I think, of his life is as a middlingly prosperous country squire annoyed at the members of the Tribe of Ben or whatever who keep coming to New Place to gawk at Shakespeare's son. I believe that Stratford fought for Parliament, so probably Hamnet ends his life at Edgehill, if he lives until then. I suspect it makes Shakespeare's works a bit cheerier, but not much so, and probably not for long, but, again, who knows? The arc of Elizabethan to Jacobean drama was likely inevitable (history plays are great but people liked tragicomedies, for some reason, and bloody court plays were fun because you could imagine it happening to James' favorites) but Caroline drama was really wildly working in the shadow of the Bard. That might be where things really do start to change.

The early modern English drama death that would really fucking matter is that of Marlowe's, by the way – if he stays around, Lord only knows what the theater world looks like.
 
This is all a great idea but I want to take this opportunity to say as (I think) one of the board's resident Shakespeareans, we just don't know. Hamnet was 11 when he died, as you say, and that's one of the only two things about him that we know for certain: the other is that he was likely named after Stratford resident Hamnet (also spelled Hamlett) Sadler, a local baker and likely Shakespeare friend who witnessed Will's, er, will. But what an early modern preteen's mental life is like, and where it might have gone had he lived a bit longer, is basically something beyond any reasonable speculation. Ben Jonson, as you might know, lost a son just as Shakespeare did, and wrote an absolutely gorgeous and utterly heartbreaking poem about it. We know more, I think, about this Ben Jonson, Jr. – Ben had (at least) two sons named that, if I recall correctly – but we still know literally nothing. Did Hamnet play in the theater? We don't know. Was he inspired by his father? Did he dislike him? Was he ever even in London to see his father's plays or his father's acting? Did he even leave Stratford? We just don't know.

I can accept to some degree the argument that losing a son sent Shakespeare to a dark place – there's every chance it informed that speech of Constance's about losing her son in King John – but I think it's worth noting that Shakespeare wrote the Henry IV plays and Merry Wives probably less than a year – maybe eight months or so? – after his son's death, which, while certainly dark in more than a few moments (the rejection scene in 2 Henry IV brought me to tears whenever I did it) are not exactly the utterly hopeless affairs that are King Lear or Troilus and Cressida, the former of which was written likely over a decade after Hamnet's death. I would also add that Shakespeare was capable of writing tragedy (maybe more tragedy of blood style tragedy, but your mileage may very) before Hamnet's death – Titus is a tragedy, and, in my opinion, far better than the bloody burlesque it's sold as, and Richard III's last scenes showcase misery to a degree comparable to the tragic speeches of other great heroes (admittedly, the Henry VIs may be a counterargument because they're just Look What I Wrote, Kit Marlowe!, even if you believe that Marlowe worked on them – which I think I do).

Personally, I don't know if I think Hamnet Shakespeare ever left Stratford. If he lives, the likeliest outcome, I think, of his life is as a middlingly prosperous country squire annoyed at the members of the Tribe of Ben or whatever who keep coming to New Place to gawk at Shakespeare's son. I believe that Stratford fought for Parliament, so probably Hamnet ends his life at Edgehill, if he lives until then. I suspect it makes Shakespeare's works a bit cheerier, but not much so, and probably not for long, but, again, who knows? The arc of Elizabethan to Jacobean drama was likely inevitable (history plays are great but people liked tragicomedies, for some reason, and bloody court plays were fun because you could imagine it happening to James' favorites) but Caroline drama was really wildly working in the shadow of the Bard. That might be where things really do start to change.

The early modern English drama death that would really fucking matter is that of Marlowe's, by the way – if he stays around, Lord only knows what the theater world looks like.

Many thanks for this info. One corollary thought: if Hamnet lives to adulthood, how much likelier is his father to live past 1616? My idea of Hamnet fighting in the Thirty Years' War or maybe the siege of La Rochelle is based at least partly on their falling out over religion (Hamnet would be a staunch Protestant in this story, maybe even verging on Puritanism as his sister Susanna allegedly did, while his father, although conforming to the CofE, has enough sympathy for Catholicism to oppose his son going off to fight in anti-Catholic conflicts), so this would require the elder Shakespeare living into his 60s; dicey, to say the least, in the 17th century. It'd also be interesting whether living another decade would lead to his producing more plays, or maybe to his "lost" plays not actually being so.

Switching to the Edgehill idea, and based on what's known for sure about Shakespeare's daughters and their spouses, how likely is it that Hamnet fights on Parliament's side? From what I've found, Stratford and Warwickshire in general were pro-Parliament as you say, with local figures like Lord Brooke being staunch anti-royalists, but divided loyalties can be found at all levels in a civil war. A tantalizing scenario is one of Hamnet maybe staying out of the civil wars in Stratford as the fighting rages back and forth over the region...then, one night, he crosses paths with a disguised Charles II on his way to escape at Bristol, forcing him to choose whether to aid in the King's capture or help him flee.
 
Obviously we also didn't see his anti-totalitarianism interacting with the politics of the Cold War in any real sense either, though him being the sort of person who would supply names clearly confirms this wouldn't have been an abstract fight for him.
Orwell's most prominent works can all be adequately summarized as "fuck the Soviet Union." He would be a rabid cold warrior.
 
Many thanks for this info. One corollary thought: if Hamnet lives to adulthood, how much likelier is his father to live past 1616? My idea of Hamnet fighting in the Thirty Years' War or maybe the siege of La Rochelle is based at least partly on their falling out over religion (Hamnet would be a staunch Protestant in this story, maybe even verging on Puritanism as his sister Susanna allegedly did, while his father, although conforming to the CofE, has enough sympathy for Catholicism to oppose his son going off to fight in anti-Catholic conflicts), so this would require the elder Shakespeare living into his 60s; dicey, to say the least, in the 17th century. It'd also be interesting whether living another decade would lead to his producing more plays, or maybe to his "lost" plays not actually being so.

Switching to the Edgehill idea, and based on what's known for sure about Shakespeare's daughters and their spouses, how likely is it that Hamnet fights on Parliament's side? From what I've found, Stratford and Warwickshire in general were pro-Parliament as you say, with local figures like Lord Brooke being staunch anti-royalists, but divided loyalties can be found at all levels in a civil war. A tantalizing scenario is one of Hamnet maybe staying out of the civil wars in Stratford as the fighting rages back and forth over the region...then, one night, he crosses paths with a disguised Charles II on his way to escape at Bristol, forcing him to choose whether to aid in the King's capture or help him flee.

I think really anything to do with a surviving Hamnet Shakespeare is basically going into the realms of 'I've got this really cool character idea and want to link it to a famous person'.

He's a completely blank sheet, write the backstory well enough and you could probably justify anything.
 
Many thanks for this info. One corollary thought: if Hamnet lives to adulthood, how much likelier is his father to live past 1616? My idea of Hamnet fighting in the Thirty Years' War or maybe the siege of La Rochelle is based at least partly on their falling out over religion (Hamnet would be a staunch Protestant in this story, maybe even verging on Puritanism as his sister Susanna allegedly did, while his father, although conforming to the CofE, has enough sympathy for Catholicism to oppose his son going off to fight in anti-Catholic conflicts), so this would require the elder Shakespeare living into his 60s; dicey, to say the least, in the 17th century. It'd also be interesting whether living another decade would lead to his producing more plays, or maybe to his "lost" plays not actually being so.

Switching to the Edgehill idea, and based on what's known for sure about Shakespeare's daughters and their spouses, how likely is it that Hamnet fights on Parliament's side? From what I've found, Stratford and Warwickshire in general were pro-Parliament as you say, with local figures like Lord Brooke being staunch anti-royalists, but divided loyalties can be found at all levels in a civil war. A tantalizing scenario is one of Hamnet maybe staying out of the civil wars in Stratford as the fighting rages back and forth over the region...then, one night, he crosses paths with a disguised Charles II on his way to escape at Bristol, forcing him to choose whether to aid in the King's capture or help him flee.
That seems like a plausible take on WS's personal religion: I think it's fair to say that members of the Shakespeare family were recusants and Catholics, but I really doubt Will was. I will say that, by the early 1610s, Shakespeare was basically retired, and with another decade, I doubt he does more than stay in Stratford and manage the family businesses – but who knows? We don't really have any idea what he died of – the story about Shakespeare dying after catching a chill when out drinking with Drayton and Jonson doesn't really work because, I mean, people don't die of 'catching a chill.'

Like @Alex Richards said, Hamnet is just a blank slate: you can basically do anything with him, and people have done pretty much everything with him.
 
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