The Third Position is really keen on Third World national liberation movements - a development which can be broadly explained by three motives:
1) "Nobody's listening to us anymore now the world is in a cold war between the First and Second Worlds, we need a phresh new hook."
2) "America, France and Britain fucked us in the War, let's make things difficult for them."
3) "Maybe people will stop calling us racists if we loudly proclaim that some of our best friends are Louis Farrakhan."
Support for these ideas was densest among the young people who had joined up to fight for the Italian Social Republic upon reading the Verona Manifesto, which appropriated left-wing/radical rhetoric in an attempt to breathe new life into the doomed Fascist project in Italy. In the immediate post-war situation, anti-Americans held sway in the Italian Social Movement until Almirante was pushed out by the Generic Reactionaries (when he returned to the leadership, he didn't rock the boat against the Southern Establishment, so his return can't be said to be a victory for this faction). After the Almirante drama, the radicals were largely limited to controlling the MSI in the urban North, while the really hardcore ones, such as Pino Rauti, formed terrorist groups which published extremely Keen periodicals when they weren't fighting Communists in the streets.
Rauti later returned to the MSI and was a major internal advocate of anti-colonialism, eventually rising to the leadership in the midst of a period of turmoil. Despite his lifelong anti-colonial rhetoric, his brief leadership was utterly discredited when he decided to support the Americans (and their oil extraction interests) in the first Gulf War - he was ill when war was declared and his Deputy forced his hand by making a public statement of support for it.
The end of the Cold War, the healing of WWII bitterness, and the electoral success of the outwardly racist Le Pen in France meant that the three motives above were no longer as pressing as they once were, so the Third Position has now declined from its already low peak.
Here's a quote from Tassani in
Italian Politics 1990 which briefly describes the Rautian position:
The fundamental contradiction in world politics, Rauti declared, was no longer East-West but North-South. In this Third World-based anti-capitalist framework, Rauti argued that a new alliance must be built between equals and non-equals against genocide through starvation in the Third World, especially aimed at the work of Western multinationals in the form of the five 'giant grain companies'. The Westernisation of the Third World carried out by the multinationals had imposed on the developing countries a catastrophic model of development. The message was that, in effect, "to be on the right wing is a very grave error". The conclusion drawn was that the MSI-DN "must have nothing to do with the right".
So basically, there was a wing of anti-colonialism in the post-war far-right, but you'd need some fairly hefty PoDs to make it dominant even in Italy, where it had the most support. The spiciest ones are, perhaps, Almirante winning the factional civil war somehow or Rauti not falling ill. Outside of Italy, the tendency also existed, but the far-right was much less institutional (Italy didn't have anywhere near the same level of denazification that Germany did, and the Allied powers defined themselves by their anti-fascism in the post-war period) and it would be a bit silly to prognosticate on Nick Griffin coming to power in the 80s, when he was a full-on Third Positionist and a shameless fan of Colonel Gaddafi.