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AH Cooperative Lists Thread

Charles EP M.

Well-known member
Published by SLP
Because the Congo War's affect on America has been, like the moon landing and Kennedy, excessively covered to the exclusion of other material. We know more about the Congo War's impact on America and Belgium than on the Congo, and we know more about America's involvement in it than we know, in the English-speaking world, about the Vietnam Civil War - and frankly, Vietnam had greater long-term impact. Thousands of Vietnamese refugees came to America over the Sixties and their experience is overlooked.

And yes, obviously the Congo War had an impact on the civil rights and black power movements, we focus on the Congo War's impact on that, but the further we get from the Sixties, the more it's remembered that things were [pause] settled, let's say, before America got involved. This perception had to be challenged.

We have time for two more questions, and I want to get onto this, the black power movement - you interview several of the remaining Black Panthers, you focus on the development of their organisation, and in episode 1, we see their involvement in Bloody Christmas. Your angle appears to be that they failed in their stated original objective of defending black neighbourhoods. What do you say to their defenders, who point to so-called police actions in Watts and Detroit in the aftermath of Bloody Christmas?
 

neonduke

Inspector Paolo Germi
Police actions? Thats an interesting euphemism for it! Lets be blunt, in both cases they were police riots, aided and abetted by elements of the National Guard and State Militias. Yes the Black Panthers did fail to protect the Black Community in those neighborhoods but if you are facing down the full might of the State with small caliber weaponry and Molotov cocktails the best you can hope for is to buy time. That did work in Detroit, no-one watching at the time would ever forget the footage of African-American refugees streaming into Canada and the Black Panthers paid in blood to ensure whole families got out alive.

Watts? (At this stage Carter asked for a minute to compose herself) Excuse me for that but this is a difficult one to talk about. There was a concentrated effort to erase Watts from the National consciousness and if you see the evidence you can understand why. For 48 hours the Militas were allowed to run wild, many of these consisted of former members of the Armed forces who served in the Congo. For example the "Léopoldville Boys" which consisted of veterans of the Kinshasa campaign and they brought their slash and burn tactics to bear on Watts, the pictorial evidence uncovered since the event is hard to stomach.

The Panthers had no chance against that, though they made a valiant stand. After all they had their own veterans, like Sergeant Marcus Beggs, who organised the defense of ST. Johns Methodist Church. But the dead tell their own story, 932 killed, 8,000 injured, it was a massacre. A massacre that shamefully that first the US tried to pretend didn't happen, then it was a criminal riot within the community and finally yes there was a police action but the number of dead was inflated. If it hadn't been for the actions of Oprah Winfrey in the 1980s and some very brave investigative journalism fon her part then the truth may have been allowed to wither away.

But back to focusing on the Panthers, they made mistakes. The biggest one was failing to broaden the movement from Black Nationalism until it was too late, things weren't great for the White Working class in the country either and they should have tried to make common cause, like Dr. King was trying to do before he was killed. Look at the example of Northern Ireland, where the Civil Rights campaign successfully broke the hegemony of the dominant Unionist party by uniting the Working class of both traditions. It could have worked in the States, but perhaps the legacy of racial tensions was simply too much to overcome.

Ok, one final question. In your mind how does the legacy of the 1960s still affect the United States? I know in the documentary you are very cynical with the mainstream view that the recent election of Governor Shawn Carter to the Presidency marks the end of racial strife in the country, do you still believe that the racial divide is the main fissure in American society? Is the 19060s really the pivot point for America and the World as you posit?
 

Skaven

Everything is going according to the plan
Obviously I hope that President Carter will achieve what he has set out to accomplish, and the announcement of a negotiated ceasefire by the New Afrika Front is obviously to be welcomed, to the extent that it is obeyed. But look at the facts. It is still de-facto impossible for African-Americans to vote in over a dozen states in the union. Klan membership, according to the FBI, has skyrocketed in the past year, in responce to President Carter's success. And while we're all glad to see a Democrat back in the White House, the GOP had 16 years to fill the Supreme Court with the hardest right judges they could find. They were talking about "revisiting" Brown v Board of Education, fercrissake! So no, I'm not an optimist.

And you can trace all of that back to the 60s. The hard right-takeover of the Republicans, the armed turn by the black liberation movement, all that was a product of the 60s, and has informed everything since then. We sent our boys abroad to murder in conflicts all over the globe, and they came back having done their job or in body-bags. Even now with all the news being Taiwan Taiwan Taiwan, you can trace that back to Marshall Lin's takeover of the PRC in '69. The US, its empire, its enemies, all have their roots in the Bloody 60s. There is no doubt that the 60s was the decade in which the easy certainties of the post-war world were shattered, and they have yet to be put back together.
 

neonduke

Inspector Paolo Germi
First Secretary of the Scottish Assembly

1979-1982: Sir Samuel Curran (Independent)(1)
1982-1988:
1988-1996:
1996-1999:
1999-2010:
2010-2012:
2012-2018:
2018-XXXX:

(1) The Scottish Referendum of 1979 followed from the Scotland Act of 1978, it required a simple straight majority to pass (an attempted amendment by George Cunningham to require a minimum 40% of the total registered electorate to vote was narrowly defeated). The referendum passed narrowly by 51% but a on very low turnout of 32% of the registered electorate. This, along with the recent deaths of the two front runners to be First Secretary Geoffrey Shaw and John P. Mackintosh was seen as a very inauspicious start and many commentators predicated the new Assembly wouldn't last.

And it probably wouldn't have if not for Labour appointing the Principal of the University of Strathclyde, Sir Samuel Curran, to the position. An unexpected appointment (even to Curran himself who thought someone was playing a joke when he received his first summons) Sir Samuel threw himself into the role with gusto, seeing himself as Scotland's primary representative on the world stage, something that didn't always go down well with the Secretary of State. However he worked well with the Callaghan government and was privately relieved when it survived a no confidence scare in 1979.

A serious minded, gifted administrator he guided the development of the new assembly and prepared it for its first elections in 1981. Seeing his work as a midwife for the new regime he stood aside once the Assembly elections had successfully concluded. A popular figure until his death he is well regarded as the father of the assembly and sober, hardworking statesman. All the more surprising when you consider he was never activly seeking the role.
 

Charles EP M.

Well-known member
Published by SLP
First Secretary of the Scottish Assembly

1979-1982: Sir Samuel Curran (Independent)(1)
1982-1988: Donald Dewar (Labour) (2)
1988-1996:
1996-1999:
1999-2010:
2010-2012:
2012-2018:
2018-XXXX:

(1) The Scottish Referendum of 1979 followed from the Scotland Act of 1978, it required a simple straight majority to pass (an attempted amendment by George Cunningham to require a minimum 40% of the total registered electorate to vote was narrowly defeated). The referendum passed narrowly by 51% but a on very low turnout of 32% of the registered electorate. This, along with the recent deaths of the two front runners to be First Secretary Geoffrey Shaw and John P. Mackintosh was seen as a very inauspicious start and many commentators predicated the new Assembly wouldn't last.

And it probably wouldn't have if not for Labour appointing the Principal of the University of Strathclyde, Sir Samuel Curran, to the position. An unexpected appointment (even to Curran himself who thought someone was playing a joke when he received his first summons) Sir Samuel threw himself into the role with gusto, seeing himself as Scotland's primary representative on the world stage, something that didn't always go down well with the Secretary of State. However he worked well with the Callaghan government and was privately relieved when it survived a no confidence scare in 1979.

A serious minded, gifted administrator he guided the development of the new assembly and prepared it for its first elections in 1981. Seeing his work as a midwife for the new regime he stood aside once the Assembly elections had successfully concluded. A popular figure until his death he is well regarded as the father of the assembly and sober, hardworking statesman. All the more surprising when you consider he was never activly seeking the role.


(2) Dewar had been out of parliamentary politics for years before the referendum vote, but by being one of the main faces for 'yes' he was able to jump forward as the obvious candidate for Labour's successful government. He oversaw a hugely ambitious plan to transform Scotland: to improve the schools, to bring in land reform, to abolish the feudal system of land tenure, to bring in national parks, and, once the Conservatives took power in Westminster, to oppose every Tory policy possible.

However, he'd been out of the parliamentary game for too long and had too little recent experience, and a lot of Dewar's early years were spent trying to keep control of his own party and keep control of his own bills. An attempt to sack any minister or aide who briefed against fellow Labour MSAs did impose some order, at the expense of making him look more like he was struggling for control. This perception cost Labour in the second Assembly elections, forcing Dewar to form a Lib-Lab coalition to keep a majority. With hindsight, we can see some of his reforms did get through - and Labour was quite united against the feudal system - but the reputational damage lingered.
 

Time Enough

European Pollution Police Force
Pronouns
He/Him
First Secretary of the Scottish Assembly

1979-1982: Sir Samuel Curran (Independent)(1)
1982-1988: Donald Dewar (Labour) (2)
1988-1996: Margo MacDonald (Scottish CommonWealth Party) (3)
1996-1999:
1999-2010:
2010-2012:
2012-2018:
2018-XXXX:

(1) The Scottish Referendum of 1979 followed from the Scotland Act of 1978, it required a simple straight majority to pass (an attempted amendment by George Cunningham to require a minimum 40% of the total registered electorate to vote was narrowly defeated). The referendum passed narrowly by 51% but a on very low turnout of 32% of the registered electorate. This, along with the recent deaths of the two front runners to be First Secretary Geoffrey Shaw and John P. Mackintosh was seen as a very inauspicious start and many commentators predicated the new Assembly wouldn't last.

And it probably wouldn't have if not for Labour appointing the Principal of the University of Strathclyde, Sir Samuel Curran, to the position. An unexpected appointment (even to Curran himself who thought someone was playing a joke when he received his first summons) Sir Samuel threw himself into the role with gusto, seeing himself as Scotland's primary representative on the world stage, something that didn't always go down well with the Secretary of State. However he worked well with the Callaghan government and was privately relieved when it survived a no confidence scare in 1979.

A serious minded, gifted administrator he guided the development of the new assembly and prepared it for its first elections in 1981. Seeing his work as a midwife for the new regime he stood aside once the Assembly elections had successfully concluded. A popular figure until his death he is well regarded as the father of the assembly and sober, hardworking statesman. All the more surprising when you consider he was never activly seeking the role.


(2) Dewar had been out of parliamentary politics for years before the referendum vote, but by being one of the main faces for 'yes' he was able to jump forward as the obvious candidate for Labour's successful government. He oversaw a hugely ambitious plan to transform Scotland: to improve the schools, to bring in land reform, to abolish the feudal system of land tenure, to bring in national parks, and, once the Conservatives took power in Westminster, to oppose every Tory policy possible.

However, he'd been out of the parliamentary game for too long and had too little recent experience, and a lot of Dewar's early years were spent trying to keep control of his own party and keep control of his own bills. An attempt to sack any minister or aide who briefed against fellow Labour MSAs did impose some order, at the expense of making him look more like he was struggling for control. This perception cost Labour in the second Assembly elections, forcing Dewar to form a Lib-Lab coalition to keep a majority. With hindsight, we can see some of his reforms did get through - and Labour was quite united against the feudal system - but the reputational damage lingered.

(3). The leader of the infamous 79 split of the SNP the Scottish Commonwealth Party was inspired partially by the party of the same name from the 40s, a combination of Libertarian Socialists, Radical Labour Members, Euro-Communists and Social Democrats and Scottish Nationalists the Party steadily gained in popularity lead by the charismatic Margo MacDonald and her vision of a Federal Social Democratic Scotland similar to the Scandinavian countries. As the Dewar Government became more unpopular the popularity for the CommonWealth Party grew.

In 1988 Assembly election the party would narrowly scrap due to reform being popular but Labour being tainted causing Margo to become First Secretary. Margo would gain the support of Liberals and the Labour Left in terms of implementing Social Democratic ideals and Federalist ideas. The main problem though would be balancing the books and with the Conservatives threatening to cut funding Margo decided to sell off Scottish Oil (one of the victories of the Dewar government) which lead to a split with certain Scottish Nationalists.

An attempt to kill Margo MacDonald in 1990 by Radical Scottish Nationalists failed and in 1991 she would win a slim majority. With the books balanced she was able to implement much of her original ideas including increased rights for Sex Workers, a more Federalised system and increased use of Nationalised industries and Co-Ops. Of course these weren’t popular with everyone and a referendum over legalisation of Marijuana would be the last straw for the Religious and Conservatives in Scotland as 1996 loomed.
 

TheHatMan98

Well-known member
First Secretary of the Scottish Assembly

1979-1982: Sir Samuel Curran (Independent)(1)
1982-1988: Donald Dewar (Labour) (2)
1988-1996: Margo MacDonald (Scottish CommonWealth Party) (3)
1996-1999: Michael Forsyth (Democratic Unionist Party of Scotland) (4)
1999-2010:
2010-2012:
2012-2018:
2018-XXXX:

(1) The Scottish Referendum of 1979 followed from the Scotland Act of 1978, it required a simple straight majority to pass (an attempted amendment by George Cunningham to require a minimum 40% of the total registered electorate to vote was narrowly defeated). The referendum passed narrowly by 51% but a on very low turnout of 32% of the registered electorate. This, along with the recent deaths of the two front runners to be First Secretary Geoffrey Shaw and John P. Mackintosh was seen as a very inauspicious start and many commentators predicated the new Assembly wouldn't last.

And it probably wouldn't have if not for Labour appointing the Principal of the University of Strathclyde, Sir Samuel Curran, to the position. An unexpected appointment (even to Curran himself who thought someone was playing a joke when he received his first summons) Sir Samuel threw himself into the role with gusto, seeing himself as Scotland's primary representative on the world stage, something that didn't always go down well with the Secretary of State. However he worked well with the Callaghan government and was privately relieved when it survived a no confidence scare in 1979.

A serious minded, gifted administrator he guided the development of the new assembly and prepared it for its first elections in 1981. Seeing his work as a midwife for the new regime he stood aside once the Assembly elections had successfully concluded. A popular figure until his death he is well regarded as the father of the assembly and sober, hardworking statesman. All the more surprising when you consider he was never activly seeking the role.


(2) Dewar had been out of parliamentary politics for years before the referendum vote, but by being one of the main faces for 'yes' he was able to jump forward as the obvious candidate for Labour's successful government. He oversaw a hugely ambitious plan to transform Scotland: to improve the schools, to bring in land reform, to abolish the feudal system of land tenure, to bring in national parks, and, once the Conservatives took power in Westminster, to oppose every Tory policy possible.

However, he'd been out of the parliamentary game for too long and had too little recent experience, and a lot of Dewar's early years were spent trying to keep control of his own party and keep control of his own bills. An attempt to sack any minister or aide who briefed against fellow Labour MSAs did impose some order, at the expense of making him look more like he was struggling for control. This perception cost Labour in the second Assembly elections, forcing Dewar to form a Lib-Lab coalition to keep a majority. With hindsight, we can see some of his reforms did get through - and Labour was quite united against the feudal system - but the reputational damage lingered.

(3). The leader of the infamous 79 split of the SNP the Scottish Commonwealth Party was inspired partially by the party of the same name from the 40s, a combination of Libertarian Socialists, Radical Labour Members, Euro-Communists and Social Democrats and Scottish Nationalists the Party steadily gained in popularity lead by the charismatic Margo MacDonald and her vision of a Federal Social Democratic Scotland similar to the Scandinavian countries. As the Dewar Government became more unpopular the popularity for the CommonWealth Party grew.

In 1988 Assembly election the party would narrowly scrap due to reform being popular but Labour being tainted causing Margo to become First Secretary. Margo would gain the support of Liberals and the Labour Left in terms of implementing Social Democratic ideals and Federalist ideas. The main problem though would be balancing the books and with the Conservatives threatening to cut funding Margo decided to sell off Scottish Oil (one of the victories of the Dewar government) which lead to a split with certain Scottish Nationalists.

An attempt to kill Margo MacDonald in 1990 by Radical Scottish Nationalists failed and in 1991 she would win a slim majority. With the books balanced she was able to implement much of her original ideas including increased rights for Sex Workers, a more Federalised system and increased use of Nationalised industries and Co-Ops. Of course these weren’t popular with everyone and a referendum over legalisation of Marijuana would be the last straw for the Religious and Conservatives in Scotland as 1996 loomed.

(4) Everyone knew that there was going to be a backlash against the alliance of the Scottish CommonWealth Party and Labour that had held power in the devolved Parliament, however few people the early 1990s would have put money on the Democratic Unionist Party of Scotland. Initially one of the most bizarre political experiments, DUPoS began in 1983 as a small band of Unionists in Scotland finally loosing their temper with the Conservative's in Westminster. Unable to claim sole ownership of the Unionist mantel however, they soon decided to emulate Ian Paisley's party based in Ulster and formed a pact of sorts.

As the decade turned, DUPoS turned increasingly morally, fiscally and socially conservative as the Conservatives turned more Liberal and Free Market, and with this the Party gained increased traction and overtake the mainstream Scottish Conservative Party. Its new leader, Michael Forsyth was the embodiment of the new agenda and became famous for attacks directed more at his Unionist opponents than the Scottish government. Only after the Marijuana referendum did Forsyth lead DUPoS in for the kill against MacDonald. In the following election, Forsyth managed to one up the Ulster DUP by crossing the Religious divide after he received an endorsement from the Catholic Archbishop of St Andrews. A cluster of seats in Glasgow that would have made the difference shocked everyone when they turned DUPoS, however the border seats remained traditional Tory and Forsyth had to govern with his Unionist rivals.

The coalition rocked to and fro for three years. The focus was on domestic and social policy: MacDonald's protection of Sex workers was overturned with a flat out ban on them; increased conditions on unemployment benefits increased, although relaxed for child support and child benefits increased; finally an tightening on divorce law which sent changes to the law back further than anywhere in the UK since the 1960s. Things were going well until Forsyth finally snapped. During a meeting with the Scottish Conservatives, Forsyth was called (not for the first or last time) 'Judas' one time too many, and heated argument broke out of which the end was nearly the break up of the DUPoS led coalition. However, his Party was not with Forsyth and he was duly ejected from leadership rather than break up the coalition.
 

Charles EP M.

Well-known member
Published by SLP
First Secretary of the Scottish Assembly

1979-1982: Sir Samuel Curran (Independent)(1)
1982-1988: Donald Dewar (Labour) (2)
1988-1996: Margo MacDonald (Scottish CommonWealth Party) (3)
1996-1999: Michael Forsyth (Democratic Unionist Party of Scotland) (4)
1999-2010: Mike Gove (Democratic Unionist Party of Scotland) (5)
2010-2012:
2012-2018:
2018-XXXX:

(1) The Scottish Referendum of 1979 followed from the Scotland Act of 1978, it required a simple straight majority to pass (an attempted amendment by George Cunningham to require a minimum 40% of the total registered electorate to vote was narrowly defeated). The referendum passed narrowly by 51% but a on very low turnout of 32% of the registered electorate. This, along with the recent deaths of the two front runners to be First Secretary Geoffrey Shaw and John P. Mackintosh was seen as a very inauspicious start and many commentators predicated the new Assembly wouldn't last.

And it probably wouldn't have if not for Labour appointing the Principal of the University of Strathclyde, Sir Samuel Curran, to the position. An unexpected appointment (even to Curran himself who thought someone was playing a joke when he received his first summons) Sir Samuel threw himself into the role with gusto, seeing himself as Scotland's primary representative on the world stage, something that didn't always go down well with the Secretary of State. However he worked well with the Callaghan government and was privately relieved when it survived a no confidence scare in 1979.

A serious minded, gifted administrator he guided the development of the new assembly and prepared it for its first elections in 1981. Seeing his work as a midwife for the new regime he stood aside once the Assembly elections had successfully concluded. A popular figure until his death he is well regarded as the father of the assembly and sober, hardworking statesman. All the more surprising when you consider he was never activly seeking the role.


(2) Dewar had been out of parliamentary politics for years before the referendum vote, but by being one of the main faces for 'yes' he was able to jump forward as the obvious candidate for Labour's successful government. He oversaw a hugely ambitious plan to transform Scotland: to improve the schools, to bring in land reform, to abolish the feudal system of land tenure, to bring in national parks, and, once the Conservatives took power in Westminster, to oppose every Tory policy possible.

However, he'd been out of the parliamentary game for too long and had too little recent experience, and a lot of Dewar's early years were spent trying to keep control of his own party and keep control of his own bills. An attempt to sack any minister or aide who briefed against fellow Labour MSAs did impose some order, at the expense of making him look more like he was struggling for control. This perception cost Labour in the second Assembly elections, forcing Dewar to form a Lib-Lab coalition to keep a majority. With hindsight, we can see some of his reforms did get through - and Labour was quite united against the feudal system - but the reputational damage lingered.

(3). The leader of the infamous 79 split of the SNP the Scottish Commonwealth Party was inspired partially by the party of the same name from the 40s, a combination of Libertarian Socialists, Radical Labour Members, Euro-Communists and Social Democrats and Scottish Nationalists the Party steadily gained in popularity lead by the charismatic Margo MacDonald and her vision of a Federal Social Democratic Scotland similar to the Scandinavian countries. As the Dewar Government became more unpopular the popularity for the CommonWealth Party grew.

In 1988 Assembly election the party would narrowly scrap due to reform being popular but Labour being tainted causing Margo to become First Secretary. Margo would gain the support of Liberals and the Labour Left in terms of implementing Social Democratic ideals and Federalist ideas. The main problem though would be balancing the books and with the Conservatives threatening to cut funding Margo decided to sell off Scottish Oil (one of the victories of the Dewar government) which lead to a split with certain Scottish Nationalists.

An attempt to kill Margo MacDonald in 1990 by Radical Scottish Nationalists failed and in 1991 she would win a slim majority. With the books balanced she was able to implement much of her original ideas including increased rights for Sex Workers, a more Federalised system and increased use of Nationalised industries and Co-Ops. Of course these weren’t popular with everyone and a referendum over legalisation of Marijuana would be the last straw for the Religious and Conservatives in Scotland as 1996 loomed.

(4) Everyone knew that there was going to be a backlash against the alliance of the Scottish CommonWealth Party and Labour that had held power in the devolved Parliament, however few people the early 1990s would have put money on the Democratic Unionist Party of Scotland. Initially one of the most bizarre political experiments, DUPoS began in 1983 as a small band of Unionists in Scotland finally loosing their temper with the Conservative's in Westminster. Unable to claim sole ownership of the Unionist mantel however, they soon decided to emulate Ian Paisley's party based in Ulster and formed a pact of sorts.

As the decade turned, DUPoS turned increasingly morally, fiscally and socially conservative as the Conservatives turned more Liberal and Free Market, and with this the Party gained increased traction and overtake the mainstream Scottish Conservative Party. Its new leader, Michael Forsyth was the embodiment of the new agenda and became famous for attacks directed more at his Unionist opponents than the Scottish government. Only after the Marijuana referendum did Forsyth lead DUPoS in for the kill against MacDonald. In the following election, Forsyth managed to one up the Ulster DUP by crossing the Religious divide after he received an endorsement from the Catholic Archbishop of St Andrews. A cluster of seats in Glasgow that would have made the difference shocked everyone when they turned DUPoS, however the border seats remained traditional Tory and Forsyth had to govern with his Unionist rivals.

The coalition rocked to and fro for three years. The focus was on domestic and social policy: MacDonald's protection of Sex workers was overturned with a flat out ban on them; increased conditions on unemployment benefits increased, although relaxed for child support and child benefits increased; finally an tightening on divorce law which sent changes to the law back further than anywhere in the UK since the 1960s. Things were going well until Forsyth finally snapped. During a meeting with the Scottish Conservatives, Forsyth was called (not for the first or last time) 'Judas' one time too many, and heated argument broke out of which the end was nearly the break up of the DUPoS led coalition. However, his Party was not with Forsyth and he was duly ejected from leadership rather than break up the coalition.

(5) "Michael II", the political satirists called him and draw him as a Stuart monarch - something that felt became a little worrying as it seemed nothing would depose him. The fact he was both extremely cocky and a nerdy swot should surely have counted against him, but it covered up a highly cynical, targeted mindset great for political machinations. The Conservatives would lament that he had briefly been one of them until he was told by the Conservative Research Department he was "insufficiently Conservative" and "insufficiently political" - likely why he'd ended up with the DUPoS.

His first election was won by predominantly focusing on winning Conservative seats, dumping all the blame for unpopular or unfinished policies on them. The next election would again see a majority DUPoS win, this time fuelled by appeals to Decency and Standards in the face of the horrifically socialist and libertine Labour government in Westminster - and a scandal involving the CommonWealth bigwig Salmond. With twelve years of power, Gove continued to oversee a government of social conservative policies, a sweeping "free school" revamp of the Scottish education system, and looser restrictions on business. He also was able to attract several businesses, though not as many as his propaganda claimed, up to Scotland from Labour-ruled London.

But fifteen years of very conservative control meant an exhausted government with growing corruption and crapping-up scandals, and a seething demographic of young Scots looking down south and seeing places that looked more fun - and Gove had spent a lot of time cracking down on the 'Second Wave of Rave' that rippled across Scotland under the DUPoS. Cannily, he resigned as leader shortly before the election so someone else would have to try and win.
 

Time Enough

European Pollution Police Force
Pronouns
He/Him
First Secretary of the Scottish Assembly

1979-1982: Sir Samuel Curran (Independent)(1)
1982-1988: Donald Dewar (Labour) (2)
1988-1996: Margo MacDonald (Scottish CommonWealth Party) (3)
1996-1999: Michael Forsyth (Democratic Unionist Party of Scotland) (4)
1999-2010: Mike Gove (Democratic Unionist Party of Scotland) (5)
2010-2012: Steven Gordon (Democratic Unionist Party of Scotland) (6)
2012-2018:
2018-XXXX:

(1) The Scottish Referendum of 1979 followed from the Scotland Act of 1978, it required a simple straight majority to pass (an attempted amendment by George Cunningham to require a minimum 40% of the total registered electorate to vote was narrowly defeated). The referendum passed narrowly by 51% but a on very low turnout of 32% of the registered electorate. This, along with the recent deaths of the two front runners to be First Secretary Geoffrey Shaw and John P. Mackintosh was seen as a very inauspicious start and many commentators predicated the new Assembly wouldn't last.

And it probably wouldn't have if not for Labour appointing the Principal of the University of Strathclyde, Sir Samuel Curran, to the position. An unexpected appointment (even to Curran himself who thought someone was playing a joke when he received his first summons) Sir Samuel threw himself into the role with gusto, seeing himself as Scotland's primary representative on the world stage, something that didn't always go down well with the Secretary of State. However he worked well with the Callaghan government and was privately relieved when it survived a no confidence scare in 1979.

A serious minded, gifted administrator he guided the development of the new assembly and prepared it for its first elections in 1981. Seeing his work as a midwife for the new regime he stood aside once the Assembly elections had successfully concluded. A popular figure until his death he is well regarded as the father of the assembly and sober, hardworking statesman. All the more surprising when you consider he was never activly seeking the role.


(2) Dewar had been out of parliamentary politics for years before the referendum vote, but by being one of the main faces for 'yes' he was able to jump forward as the obvious candidate for Labour's successful government. He oversaw a hugely ambitious plan to transform Scotland: to improve the schools, to bring in land reform, to abolish the feudal system of land tenure, to bring in national parks, and, once the Conservatives took power in Westminster, to oppose every Tory policy possible.

However, he'd been out of the parliamentary game for too long and had too little recent experience, and a lot of Dewar's early years were spent trying to keep control of his own party and keep control of his own bills. An attempt to sack any minister or aide who briefed against fellow Labour MSAs did impose some order, at the expense of making him look more like he was struggling for control. This perception cost Labour in the second Assembly elections, forcing Dewar to form a Lib-Lab coalition to keep a majority. With hindsight, we can see some of his reforms did get through - and Labour was quite united against the feudal system - but the reputational damage lingered.

(3). The leader of the infamous 79 split of the SNP the Scottish Commonwealth Party was inspired partially by the party of the same name from the 40s, a combination of Libertarian Socialists, Radical Labour Members, Euro-Communists and Social Democrats and Scottish Nationalists the Party steadily gained in popularity lead by the charismatic Margo MacDonald and her vision of a Federal Social Democratic Scotland similar to the Scandinavian countries. As the Dewar Government became more unpopular the popularity for the CommonWealth Party grew.

In 1988 Assembly election the party would narrowly scrap due to reform being popular but Labour being tainted causing Margo to become First Secretary. Margo would gain the support of Liberals and the Labour Left in terms of implementing Social Democratic ideals and Federalist ideas. The main problem though would be balancing the books and with the Conservatives threatening to cut funding Margo decided to sell off Scottish Oil (one of the victories of the Dewar government) which lead to a split with certain Scottish Nationalists.

An attempt to kill Margo MacDonald in 1990 by Radical Scottish Nationalists failed and in 1991 she would win a slim majority. With the books balanced she was able to implement much of her original ideas including increased rights for Sex Workers, a more Federalised system and increased use of Nationalised industries and Co-Ops. Of course these weren’t popular with everyone and a referendum over legalisation of Marijuana would be the last straw for the Religious and Conservatives in Scotland as 1996 loomed.

(4) Everyone knew that there was going to be a backlash against the alliance of the Scottish CommonWealth Party and Labour that had held power in the devolved Parliament, however few people the early 1990s would have put money on the Democratic Unionist Party of Scotland. Initially one of the most bizarre political experiments, DUPoS began in 1983 as a small band of Unionists in Scotland finally loosing their temper with the Conservative's in Westminster. Unable to claim sole ownership of the Unionist mantel however, they soon decided to emulate Ian Paisley's party based in Ulster and formed a pact of sorts.

As the decade turned, DUPoS turned increasingly morally, fiscally and socially conservative as the Conservatives turned more Liberal and Free Market, and with this the Party gained increased traction and overtake the mainstream Scottish Conservative Party. Its new leader, Michael Forsyth was the embodiment of the new agenda and became famous for attacks directed more at his Unionist opponents than the Scottish government. Only after the Marijuana referendum did Forsyth lead DUPoS in for the kill against MacDonald. In the following election, Forsyth managed to one up the Ulster DUP by crossing the Religious divide after he received an endorsement from the Catholic Archbishop of St Andrews. A cluster of seats in Glasgow that would have made the difference shocked everyone when they turned DUPoS, however the border seats remained traditional Tory and Forsyth had to govern with his Unionist rivals.

The coalition rocked to and fro for three years. The focus was on domestic and social policy: MacDonald's protection of Sex workers was overturned with a flat out ban on them; increased conditions on unemployment benefits increased, although relaxed for child support and child benefits increased; finally an tightening on divorce law which sent changes to the law back further than anywhere in the UK since the 1960s. Things were going well until Forsyth finally snapped. During a meeting with the Scottish Conservatives, Forsyth was called (not for the first or last time) 'Judas' one time too many, and heated argument broke out of which the end was nearly the break up of the DUPoS led coalition. However, his Party was not with Forsyth and he was duly ejected from leadership rather than break up the coalition.

(5) "Michael II", the political satirists called him and draw him as a Stuart monarch - something that felt became a little worrying as it seemed nothing would depose him. The fact he was both extremely cocky and a nerdy swot should surely have counted against him, but it covered up a highly cynical, targeted mindset great for political machinations. The Conservatives would lament that he had briefly been one of them until he was told by the Conservative Research Department he was "insufficiently Conservative" and "insufficiently political" - likely why he'd ended up with the DUPoS.

His first election was won by predominantly focusing on winning Conservative seats, dumping all the blame for unpopular or unfinished policies on them. The next election would again see a majority DUPoS win, this time fuelled by appeals to Decency and Standards in the face of the horrifically socialist and libertine Labour government in Westminster - and a scandal involving the CommonWealth bigwig Salmond. With twelve years of power, Gove continued to oversee a government of social conservative policies, a sweeping "free school" revamp of the Scottish education system, and looser restrictions on business. He also was able to attract several businesses, though not as many as his propaganda claimed, up to Scotland from Labour-ruled London.

But fifteen years of very conservative control meant an exhausted government with growing corruption and crapping-up scandals, and a seething demographic of young Scots looking down south and seeing places that looked more fun - and Gove had spent a lot of time cracking down on the 'Second Wave of Rave' that rippled across Scotland under the DUPoS. Cannily, he resigned as leader shortly before the election so someone else would have to try and win.

(6) Steven Gordon was the leader of the ‘Left Wing’ of the DUPoS, advocating for a mixture of Social Conservatism and Social Democracy and his sincere belief that he could allow the DUPoS to continue staying in power through gaining the Scottish Blue Labour vote as Scottish Labour was dealing with it’s own battle between the Progress candidate Douglas Alexander and the SCG candidate John McAllion. But Steven Gordon was betting on the wrong horse.

The Labour Government in Westminster, the Scottish CommonWealth Party and the Liberal Democrat’s watched in glee as the Gordon government slowly collapsed. First there was the ‘Orange Rave Surge’ of the Scottish CommonWealth Party in local elections lead by former actor Peter Mullan, there was the ‘Murdo split’ in which Murdo Fraser created the Scottish Democratic Party with 12 DUPoS MPs who were angry at the Social Democracy aspects of Gordon’s Government and finally came the Hargreaves incident.

George Hargreaves was considered by many to be the person who should have won the DUPoS leadership election and he had spent the years since the election letting Gordon know it. When Gordon considered loosening the Scottish Divorce Laws under pressure from the Westminster Labour Government Hargreaves lost it, going on an hour long tirade in the Assembly before calling for another leadership election. Although Gordon managed to win it was by a hair and by the time the 2012 election came the DUPoS was exhausted. The so called ‘Conservative Coalition’ had collapsed and in it’s wake the other parties of Scotland’s would pick up the scraps.
 
Last edited:

Aolbain

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1979-1982: Sir Samuel Curran (Independent)(1)
1982-1988: Donald Dewar (Labour) (2)
1988-1996: Margo MacDonald (Scottish CommonWealth Party) (3)
1996-1999: Michael Forsyth (Democratic Unionist Party of Scotland) (4)
1999-2010: Mike Gove (Democratic Unionist Party of Scotland) (5)
2010-2012: Steven Gordon (Democratic Unionist Party of Scotland) (6)
2012-2018: Ian Murray (Labour) [7]
2018-XXXX:

(1) The Scottish Referendum of 1979 followed from the Scotland Act of 1978, it required a simple straight majority to pass (an attempted amendment by George Cunningham to require a minimum 40% of the total registered electorate to vote was narrowly defeated). The referendum passed narrowly by 51% but a on very low turnout of 32% of the registered electorate. This, along with the recent deaths of the two front runners to be First Secretary Geoffrey Shaw and John P. Mackintosh was seen as a very inauspicious start and many commentators predicated the new Assembly wouldn't last.

And it probably wouldn't have if not for Labour appointing the Principal of the University of Strathclyde, Sir Samuel Curran, to the position. An unexpected appointment (even to Curran himself who thought someone was playing a joke when he received his first summons) Sir Samuel threw himself into the role with gusto, seeing himself as Scotland's primary representative on the world stage, something that didn't always go down well with the Secretary of State. However he worked well with the Callaghan government and was privately relieved when it survived a no confidence scare in 1979.

A serious minded, gifted administrator he guided the development of the new assembly and prepared it for its first elections in 1981. Seeing his work as a midwife for the new regime he stood aside once the Assembly elections had successfully concluded. A popular figure until his death he is well regarded as the father of the assembly and sober, hardworking statesman. All the more surprising when you consider he was never activly seeking the role.


(2) Dewar had been out of parliamentary politics for years before the referendum vote, but by being one of the main faces for 'yes' he was able to jump forward as the obvious candidate for Labour's successful government. He oversaw a hugely ambitious plan to transform Scotland: to improve the schools, to bring in land reform, to abolish the feudal system of land tenure, to bring in national parks, and, once the Conservatives took power in Westminster, to oppose every Tory policy possible.

However, he'd been out of the parliamentary game for too long and had too little recent experience, and a lot of Dewar's early years were spent trying to keep control of his own party and keep control of his own bills. An attempt to sack any minister or aide who briefed against fellow Labour MSAs did impose some order, at the expense of making him look more like he was struggling for control. This perception cost Labour in the second Assembly elections, forcing Dewar to form a Lib-Lab coalition to keep a majority. With hindsight, we can see some of his reforms did get through - and Labour was quite united against the feudal system - but the reputational damage lingered.

(3). The leader of the infamous 79 split of the SNP the Scottish Commonwealth Party was inspired partially by the party of the same name from the 40s, a combination of Libertarian Socialists, Radical Labour Members, Euro-Communists and Social Democrats and Scottish Nationalists the Party steadily gained in popularity lead by the charismatic Margo MacDonald and her vision of a Federal Social Democratic Scotland similar to the Scandinavian countries. As the Dewar Government became more unpopular the popularity for the CommonWealth Party grew.

In 1988 Assembly election the party would narrowly scrap due to reform being popular but Labour being tainted causing Margo to become First Secretary. Margo would gain the support of Liberals and the Labour Left in terms of implementing Social Democratic ideals and Federalist ideas. The main problem though would be balancing the books and with the Conservatives threatening to cut funding Margo decided to sell off Scottish Oil (one of the victories of the Dewar government) which lead to a split with certain Scottish Nationalists.

An attempt to kill Margo MacDonald in 1990 by Radical Scottish Nationalists failed and in 1991 she would win a slim majority. With the books balanced she was able to implement much of her original ideas including increased rights for Sex Workers, a more Federalised system and increased use of Nationalised industries and Co-Ops. Of course these weren’t popular with everyone and a referendum over legalisation of Marijuana would be the last straw for the Religious and Conservatives in Scotland as 1996 loomed.

(4) Everyone knew that there was going to be a backlash against the alliance of the Scottish CommonWealth Party and Labour that had held power in the devolved Parliament, however few people the early 1990s would have put money on the Democratic Unionist Party of Scotland. Initially one of the most bizarre political experiments, DUPoS began in 1983 as a small band of Unionists in Scotland finally loosing their temper with the Conservative's in Westminster. Unable to claim sole ownership of the Unionist mantel however, they soon decided to emulate Ian Paisley's party based in Ulster and formed a pact of sorts.

As the decade turned, DUPoS turned increasingly morally, fiscally and socially conservative as the Conservatives turned more Liberal and Free Market, and with this the Party gained increased traction and overtake the mainstream Scottish Conservative Party. Its new leader, Michael Forsyth was the embodiment of the new agenda and became famous for attacks directed more at his Unionist opponents than the Scottish government. Only after the Marijuana referendum did Forsyth lead DUPoS in for the kill against MacDonald. In the following election, Forsyth managed to one up the Ulster DUP by crossing the Religious divide after he received an endorsement from the Catholic Archbishop of St Andrews. A cluster of seats in Glasgow that would have made the difference shocked everyone when they turned DUPoS, however the border seats remained traditional Tory and Forsyth had to govern with his Unionist rivals.

The coalition rocked to and fro for three years. The focus was on domestic and social policy: MacDonald's protection of Sex workers was overturned with a flat out ban on them; increased conditions on unemployment benefits increased, although relaxed for child support and child benefits increased; finally an tightening on divorce law which sent changes to the law back further than anywhere in the UK since the 1960s. Things were going well until Forsyth finally snapped. During a meeting with the Scottish Conservatives, Forsyth was called (not for the first or last time) 'Judas' one time too many, and heated argument broke out of which the end was nearly the break up of the DUPoS led coalition. However, his Party was not with Forsyth and he was duly ejected from leadership rather than break up the coalition.

(5) "Michael II", the political satirists called him and draw him as a Stuart monarch - something that felt became a little worrying as it seemed nothing would depose him. The fact he was both extremely cocky and a nerdy swot should surely have counted against him, but it covered up a highly cynical, targeted mindset great for political machinations. The Conservatives would lament that he had briefly been one of them until he was told by the Conservative Research Department he was "insufficiently Conservative" and "insufficiently political" - likely why he'd ended up with the DUPoS.

His first election was won by predominantly focusing on winning Conservative seats, dumping all the blame for unpopular or unfinished policies on them. The next election would again see a majority DUPoS win, this time fuelled by appeals to Decency and Standards in the face of the horrifically socialist and libertine Labour government in Westminster - and a scandal involving the CommonWealth bigwig Salmond. With twelve years of power, Gove continued to oversee a government of social conservative policies, a sweeping "free school" revamp of the Scottish education system, and looser restrictions on business. He also was able to attract several businesses, though not as many as his propaganda claimed, up to Scotland from Labour-ruled London.

But fifteen years of very conservative control meant an exhausted government with growing corruption and crapping-up scandals, and a seething demographic of young Scots looking down south and seeing places that looked more fun - and Gove had spent a lot of time cracking down on the 'Second Wave of Rave' that rippled across Scotland under the DUPoS. Cannily, he resigned as leader shortly before the election so someone else would have to try and win.

(6) Steven Gordon was the leader of the ‘Left Wing’ of the DUPoS, advocating for a mixture of Social Conservatism and Social Democracy and his sincere belief that he could allow the DUPoS to continue staying in power through gaining the Scottish Blue Labour vote as it was dealing with it’s own battle between the Progress candidate Douglas Alexander and the SCG candidate John McAllion. But Steven Gordon was betting on the wrong horse.

The Labour Government in Westminster, the Scottish CommonWealth Party and the Liberal Democrat’s watched in glee as the Gordon government collapsed. First there was the ‘Orange Rave Surge’ of the Scottish CommonWealth Party in local elections lead by former actor Peter Mullan, there was the ‘Murdo split’ in which Murdo Fraser created the Scottish Democratic Party with 12 DUPoS MPs who were angry at the Social Democracy aspects of Gordon’s Government and finally came the Hargreaves incident.

George Hargreaves was considered by many to be the person who should have won the DUPoS leadership election and he had spent the years since the election letting Gordon know it. When Gordon considered loosening the Scottish Divorce Laws under pressure from the Westminster Labour Government Hargreaves lost it, going on an hour long tirade in the Assembly before calling for another leadership election. Although Gordon managed to win it was by a hair and by the time the 2012 election came the DUPoS was exhausted. The so called ‘Conservative Coalition’ had collapsed and in it’s wake the other parties of Scotland’s would pick up the scraps.

[7] Ian Murray was not the man many expected to see come out ahead when the dust of the 2012 election settled. The handpicked choice of the national leadership in London to not as much unite the party as beat the establishment into shape and liquidate any left-wing insurgents he came across, the young Edinburgh AM had managed to in the short eleven months between his ascension to the leadership and election day not only emerge as the premier voice of the opposition but also seize back the center ground from Gordon and the DUPoS. He accomplished those feats partly through a highly disciplined message of Change and Clean Government that gave no one any hint that it was technically a center-left social democratic outfit he was running and partly by successfully associating the SCWP with the radicalism of the MacDonald years and the decades of right-wing governance that followed. In the landslide that followed it almost looked like Labour would have a majority of their own but in the end it would become necessary to strike a deal with the LibDems.

More than one Scottish lefty would complain that the policies implemented by the Murray government stood a fair bit to the right of the ones promised by the 2012 DUPoS manifesto, but throughout his first term the First Secretary rode high in the polls. The Scottish education system saw itself practically drowned in money to the extent that not even the EIS raised to much of a fuss when the charter scheme was implemented. Same sex marriage was introduced in Holyrood a full year ahead of Westminster and a broad package of civil protections for women and sexual minorities were introduced. On the more mechanical side the old Goveite patronage networks were at least partly rooted out (to be replaced by Murrayite ones some say) and the EU flag was flown from Holyrood for the first time in decades. Scotland was, in the words of a government spokesman, brought into the 21st century.

Soon after his reelection, which saw Labour's plurality decrease somewhat, Murray announced his resignation. Rumors points to anything from a sexy job at the UN to a brewing scandal or palace coup, but the official reason remains that he wished to serve his community in another role.
 

Charles EP M.

Well-known member
Published by SLP
1979-1982: Sir Samuel Curran (Independent)(1)
1982-1988: Donald Dewar (Labour) (2)
1988-1996: Margo MacDonald (Scottish CommonWealth Party) (3)
1996-1999: Michael Forsyth (Democratic Unionist Party of Scotland) (4)
1999-2010: Mike Gove (Democratic Unionist Party of Scotland) (5)
2010-2012: Steven Gordon (Democratic Unionist Party of Scotland) (6)
2012-2018: Ian Murray (Labour) [7]
2018-XXXX: Ruth Davidson (Labour) [8]

(1) The Scottish Referendum of 1979 followed from the Scotland Act of 1978, it required a simple straight majority to pass (an attempted amendment by George Cunningham to require a minimum 40% of the total registered electorate to vote was narrowly defeated). The referendum passed narrowly by 51% but a on very low turnout of 32% of the registered electorate. This, along with the recent deaths of the two front runners to be First Secretary Geoffrey Shaw and John P. Mackintosh was seen as a very inauspicious start and many commentators predicated the new Assembly wouldn't last.

And it probably wouldn't have if not for Labour appointing the Principal of the University of Strathclyde, Sir Samuel Curran, to the position. An unexpected appointment (even to Curran himself who thought someone was playing a joke when he received his first summons) Sir Samuel threw himself into the role with gusto, seeing himself as Scotland's primary representative on the world stage, something that didn't always go down well with the Secretary of State. However he worked well with the Callaghan government and was privately relieved when it survived a no confidence scare in 1979.

A serious minded, gifted administrator he guided the development of the new assembly and prepared it for its first elections in 1981. Seeing his work as a midwife for the new regime he stood aside once the Assembly elections had successfully concluded. A popular figure until his death he is well regarded as the father of the assembly and sober, hardworking statesman. All the more surprising when you consider he was never activly seeking the role.


(2) Dewar had been out of parliamentary politics for years before the referendum vote, but by being one of the main faces for 'yes' he was able to jump forward as the obvious candidate for Labour's successful government. He oversaw a hugely ambitious plan to transform Scotland: to improve the schools, to bring in land reform, to abolish the feudal system of land tenure, to bring in national parks, and, once the Conservatives took power in Westminster, to oppose every Tory policy possible.

However, he'd been out of the parliamentary game for too long and had too little recent experience, and a lot of Dewar's early years were spent trying to keep control of his own party and keep control of his own bills. An attempt to sack any minister or aide who briefed against fellow Labour MSAs did impose some order, at the expense of making him look more like he was struggling for control. This perception cost Labour in the second Assembly elections, forcing Dewar to form a Lib-Lab coalition to keep a majority. With hindsight, we can see some of his reforms did get through - and Labour was quite united against the feudal system - but the reputational damage lingered.

(3). The leader of the infamous 79 split of the SNP the Scottish Commonwealth Party was inspired partially by the party of the same name from the 40s, a combination of Libertarian Socialists, Radical Labour Members, Euro-Communists and Social Democrats and Scottish Nationalists the Party steadily gained in popularity lead by the charismatic Margo MacDonald and her vision of a Federal Social Democratic Scotland similar to the Scandinavian countries. As the Dewar Government became more unpopular the popularity for the CommonWealth Party grew.

In 1988 Assembly election the party would narrowly scrap due to reform being popular but Labour being tainted causing Margo to become First Secretary. Margo would gain the support of Liberals and the Labour Left in terms of implementing Social Democratic ideals and Federalist ideas. The main problem though would be balancing the books and with the Conservatives threatening to cut funding Margo decided to sell off Scottish Oil (one of the victories of the Dewar government) which lead to a split with certain Scottish Nationalists.

An attempt to kill Margo MacDonald in 1990 by Radical Scottish Nationalists failed and in 1991 she would win a slim majority. With the books balanced she was able to implement much of her original ideas including increased rights for Sex Workers, a more Federalised system and increased use of Nationalised industries and Co-Ops. Of course these weren’t popular with everyone and a referendum over legalisation of Marijuana would be the last straw for the Religious and Conservatives in Scotland as 1996 loomed.

(4) Everyone knew that there was going to be a backlash against the alliance of the Scottish CommonWealth Party and Labour that had held power in the devolved Parliament, however few people the early 1990s would have put money on the Democratic Unionist Party of Scotland. Initially one of the most bizarre political experiments, DUPoS began in 1983 as a small band of Unionists in Scotland finally loosing their temper with the Conservative's in Westminster. Unable to claim sole ownership of the Unionist mantel however, they soon decided to emulate Ian Paisley's party based in Ulster and formed a pact of sorts.

As the decade turned, DUPoS turned increasingly morally, fiscally and socially conservative as the Conservatives turned more Liberal and Free Market, and with this the Party gained increased traction and overtake the mainstream Scottish Conservative Party. Its new leader, Michael Forsyth was the embodiment of the new agenda and became famous for attacks directed more at his Unionist opponents than the Scottish government. Only after the Marijuana referendum did Forsyth lead DUPoS in for the kill against MacDonald. In the following election, Forsyth managed to one up the Ulster DUP by crossing the Religious divide after he received an endorsement from the Catholic Archbishop of St Andrews. A cluster of seats in Glasgow that would have made the difference shocked everyone when they turned DUPoS, however the border seats remained traditional Tory and Forsyth had to govern with his Unionist rivals.

The coalition rocked to and fro for three years. The focus was on domestic and social policy: MacDonald's protection of Sex workers was overturned with a flat out ban on them; increased conditions on unemployment benefits increased, although relaxed for child support and child benefits increased; finally an tightening on divorce law which sent changes to the law back further than anywhere in the UK since the 1960s. Things were going well until Forsyth finally snapped. During a meeting with the Scottish Conservatives, Forsyth was called (not for the first or last time) 'Judas' one time too many, and heated argument broke out of which the end was nearly the break up of the DUPoS led coalition. However, his Party was not with Forsyth and he was duly ejected from leadership rather than break up the coalition.

(5) "Michael II", the political satirists called him and draw him as a Stuart monarch - something that felt became a little worrying as it seemed nothing would depose him. The fact he was both extremely cocky and a nerdy swot should surely have counted against him, but it covered up a highly cynical, targeted mindset great for political machinations. The Conservatives would lament that he had briefly been one of them until he was told by the Conservative Research Department he was "insufficiently Conservative" and "insufficiently political" - likely why he'd ended up with the DUPoS.

His first election was won by predominantly focusing on winning Conservative seats, dumping all the blame for unpopular or unfinished policies on them. The next election would again see a majority DUPoS win, this time fuelled by appeals to Decency and Standards in the face of the horrifically socialist and libertine Labour government in Westminster - and a scandal involving the CommonWealth bigwig Salmond. With twelve years of power, Gove continued to oversee a government of social conservative policies, a sweeping "free school" revamp of the Scottish education system, and looser restrictions on business. He also was able to attract several businesses, though not as many as his propaganda claimed, up to Scotland from Labour-ruled London.

But fifteen years of very conservative control meant an exhausted government with growing corruption and crapping-up scandals, and a seething demographic of young Scots looking down south and seeing places that looked more fun - and Gove had spent a lot of time cracking down on the 'Second Wave of Rave' that rippled across Scotland under the DUPoS. Cannily, he resigned as leader shortly before the election so someone else would have to try and win.

(6) Steven Gordon was the leader of the ‘Left Wing’ of the DUPoS, advocating for a mixture of Social Conservatism and Social Democracy and his sincere belief that he could allow the DUPoS to continue staying in power through gaining the Scottish Blue Labour vote as it was dealing with it’s own battle between the Progress candidate Douglas Alexander and the SCG candidate John McAllion. But Steven Gordon was betting on the wrong horse.

The Labour Government in Westminster, the Scottish CommonWealth Party and the Liberal Democrat’s watched in glee as the Gordon government collapsed. First there was the ‘Orange Rave Surge’ of the Scottish CommonWealth Party in local elections lead by former actor Peter Mullan, there was the ‘Murdo split’ in which Murdo Fraser created the Scottish Democratic Party with 12 DUPoS MPs who were angry at the Social Democracy aspects of Gordon’s Government and finally came the Hargreaves incident.

George Hargreaves was considered by many to be the person who should have won the DUPoS leadership election and he had spent the years since the election letting Gordon know it. When Gordon considered loosening the Scottish Divorce Laws under pressure from the Westminster Labour Government Hargreaves lost it, going on an hour long tirade in the Assembly before calling for another leadership election. Although Gordon managed to win it was by a hair and by the time the 2012 election came the DUPoS was exhausted. The so called ‘Conservative Coalition’ had collapsed and in it’s wake the other parties of Scotland’s would pick up the scraps.

[7] Ian Murray was not the man many expected to see come out ahead when the dust of the 2012 election settled. The handpicked choice of the national leadership in London to not as much unite the party as beat the establishment into shape and liquidate any left-wing insurgents he came across, the young Edinburgh AM had managed to in the short eleven months between his ascension to the leadership and election day not only emerge as the premier voice of the opposition but also seize back the center ground from Gordon and the DUPoS. He accomplished those feats partly through a highly disciplined message of Change and Clean Government that gave no one any hint that it was technically a center-left social democratic outfit he was running and partly by successfully associating the SCWP with the radicalism of the MacDonald years and the decades of right-wing governance that followed. In the landslide that followed it almost looked like Labour would have a majority of their own but in the end it would become necessary to strike a deal with the LibDems.

More than one Scottish lefty would complain that the policies implemented by the Murray government stood a fair bit to the right of the ones promised by the 2012 DUPoS manifesto, but throughout his first term the First Secretary rode high in the polls. The Scottish education system saw itself practically drowned in money to the extent that not even the EIS raised to much of a fuss when the charter scheme was implemented. Same sex marriage was introduced in Holyrood a full year ahead of Westminster and a broad package of civil protections for women and sexual minorities were introduced. On the more mechanical side the old Goveite patronage networks were at least partly rooted out (to be replaced by Murrayite ones some say) and the EU flag was flown from Holyrood for the first time in decades. Scotland was, in the words of a government spokesman, brought into the 21st century.

Soon after his reelection, which saw Labour's plurality decrease somewhat, Murray announced his resignation. Rumors points to anything from a sexy job at the UN to a brewing scandal or palace coup, but the official reason remains that he wished to serve his community in another role.


[8] One of the 'Class of '12' AMs that Murray's government brought in, Davidson was both openly gay and married when she took power - a walking symbol of social change in Scotland. To some extent, this has cause damage to the DUPoS as it exposed faultlines between hardcore 'culture warriors' and homophobes in that party and those willingly to at least publicly shift position. With socially liberal views, aid for schools and disadvantaged parents, pro-business leanings, and Tough On Crime measures, she managed to perfectly colonise the Scottish centre and has left the Liberal Democrats feeling a bit lost for their own USP.

Whether this will see her to another Labour victory depends on how she continues to deal with the new Conservative government in Westminster, as she's been accused of not standing up enough for Scottish seperate interests.


--

THE FIRST TEN POST-WAR OLYMPICS

1944: London (Most gold medals - Germany) [1]

1948:

1952:

1956:

1960:

1964:

1966:

1970:

1974:

1978:

[1] Extremely controversial choice, to show (West and Central) Europe were "back to normal" - large parts of London remained in ruins or under slow reconstruction, with resources sent to Speer's olympiad stadiums. Boycotted by the USA and the ex-Dominions.
 

Time Enough

European Pollution Police Force
Pronouns
He/Him
THE FIRST TEN POST-WAR OLYMPICS

1944: London (Most gold medals - Germany) [1]

1948: Ottawa (Most Gold Medals-America) [2]

1952:

1956:

1960:

1964:

1966:

1970:

1974:

1978:

[1] Extremely controversial choice, to show (West and Central) Europe were "back to normal" - large parts of London remained in ruins or under slow reconstruction, with resources sent to Speer's olympiad stadiums. Boycotted by the USA and the ex-Dominions.

[2] Showcasing the strength of the Coldwell-Taylor American Partnership these games were often called the ‘Anti-Fascist’ Games due to there strong promotion of Social Democratic values and Diversity (despite anger from the more Conservative politicians in those countries). Boycotted by the GGR, Italy and members of the Fascist alliance.
 

Charles EP M.

Well-known member
Published by SLP
THE FIRST TEN POST-WAR OLYMPICS

1944: London (Most gold medals - Germany) [1]

1948: Ottawa (Most Gold Medals-America) [2]

1952: Tehran (Most Gold Medals - America) [3]

1956:

1960:

1964:

1966:

1970:

1974:

1978:

[1] Extremely controversial choice, to show (West and Central) Europe were "back to normal" - large parts of London remained in ruins or under slow reconstruction, with resources sent to Speer's olympiad stadiums. Boycotted by the USA and the ex-Dominions.

[2] Showcasing the strength of the Coldwell-Taylor American Partnership these games were often called the ‘Anti-Fascist’ Games due to there strong promotion of Social Democratic values and Diversity (despite anger from the more Conservative politicians in those countries). Boycotted by the GGR, Italy and members of the Fascist alliance.

[3] Chosen due to Iran's neutrality, to prevent the Olympics becoming a United Nations/Axis bunfight. Huge patriotic event for the locals. Heads rolled in Germany after it was beaten in gold by the 'mongrel' Americans and Japan and 'Georgist' South Africa.
 

AndrewH

I was hospitalized for approaching perfection
Location
Tampa, FL
THE FIRST TEN POST-WAR OLYMPICS

1944: London (Most gold medals - Germany) [1]

1948: Ottawa (Most Gold Medals-America) [2]

1952: Tehran (Most Gold Medals - America) [3]

1956: Rio de Janeiro (Most Gold Medals - America) [4]

1960:

1964:

1966:

1970:

1974:

1978:

[1] Extremely controversial choice, to show (West and Central) Europe were "back to normal" - large parts of London remained in ruins or under slow reconstruction, with resources sent to Speer's olympiad stadiums. Boycotted by the USA and the ex-Dominions.

[2] Showcasing the strength of the Coldwell-Taylor American Partnership these games were often called the ‘Anti-Fascist’ Games due to there strong promotion of Social Democratic values and Diversity (despite anger from the more Conservative politicians in those countries). Boycotted by the GGR, Italy and members of the Fascist alliance.

[3] Chosen due to Iran's neutrality, to prevent the Olympics becoming a United Nations/Axis bunfight. Huge patriotic event for the locals. Heads rolled in Germany after it was beaten in gold by the 'mongrel' Americans and Japan and 'Georgist' South Africa.

[4] Nearly postponed due to the ongoing Third World War, brought back to demonstrate the resilience of the North Pacific Nuclear Treaty Organization (commonly referred to as the Seoul Pact) in the face of fascist terror and the “Kubitschek Boom” going on in Brazil. Widely remembered as the Olympics where Berlin fell to Seoul Pact forces just hours before the Opening Ceremonies began.
 

Time Enough

European Pollution Police Force
Pronouns
He/Him
THE FIRST TEN POST-WAR OLYMPICS

1944: London (Most gold medals - Germany) [1]

1948: Ottawa (Most Gold Medals-America) [2]

1952: Tehran (Most Gold Medals - America) [3]

1956: Rio de Janeiro (Most Gold Medals - America) [4]

1960: Tokyo (Most Gold Medals - China) [5]

1964:

1966:

1970:

1974:

1978:

[1] Extremely controversial choice, to show (West and Central) Europe were "back to normal" - large parts of London remained in ruins or under slow reconstruction, with resources sent to Speer's olympiad stadiums. Boycotted by the USA and the ex-Dominions.

[2] Showcasing the strength of the Coldwell-Taylor American Partnership these games were often called the ‘Anti-Fascist’ Games due to there strong promotion of Social Democratic values and Diversity (despite anger from the more Conservative politicians in those countries). Boycotted by the GGR, Italy and members of the Fascist alliance.

[3] Chosen due to Iran's neutrality, to prevent the Olympics becoming a United Nations/Axis bunfight. Huge patriotic event for the locals. Heads rolled in Germany after it was beaten in gold by the 'mongrel' Americans and Japan and 'Georgist' South Africa.

[4] Nearly postponed due to the ongoing Third World War, brought back to demonstrate the resilience of the North Pacific Nuclear Treaty Organization (commonly referred to as the Seoul Pact) in the face of fascist terror. Widely remembered as the Olympics where Berlin fell to Seoul Pact forces just hours before the Opening Ceremonies began.

[5] Referred to as the ‘Asian Hour’ or the ‘Golden Games’ this game was a showcase for Japan and America to showcase the possible future for the slowly rebuilding former Fascist Powers with Prime Minister Inejiro Asanuma declaring this to be ‘A victory in the fight for social justice and democracy’. Nationalist China would slightly ruin this view but it would showcase the shift in power as America focused more on Europe. First games in which the Republic of Italy was participated in.
 

Charles EP M.

Well-known member
Published by SLP
THE FIRST TEN POST-WAR OLYMPICS

1944: London (Most gold medals - Germany) [1]

1948: Ottawa (Most Gold Medals-America) [2]

1952: Tehran (Most Gold Medals - America) [3]

1956: Rio de Janeiro (Most Gold Medals - America) [4]

1960: Tokyo (Most Gold Medals - China) [5]

1964: Dublin (Most Gold Medals - Japan) [6]

1966:

1970:

1974:

1978:

[1] Extremely controversial choice, to show (West and Central) Europe were "back to normal" - large parts of London remained in ruins or under slow reconstruction, with resources sent to Speer's olympiad stadiums. Boycotted by the USA and the ex-Dominions.

[2] Showcasing the strength of the Coldwell-Taylor American Partnership these games were often called the ‘Anti-Fascist’ Games due to there strong promotion of Social Democratic values and Diversity (despite anger from the more Conservative politicians in those countries). Boycotted by the GGR, Italy and members of the Fascist alliance.

[3] Chosen due to Iran's neutrality, to prevent the Olympics becoming a United Nations/Axis bunfight. Huge patriotic event for the locals. Heads rolled in Germany after it was beaten in gold by the 'mongrel' Americans and Japan and 'Georgist' South Africa.

[4] Nearly postponed due to the ongoing Third World War, brought back to demonstrate the resilience of the North Pacific Nuclear Treaty Organization (commonly referred to as the Seoul Pact) in the face of fascist terror and the “Kubitschek Boom” going on in Brazil. Widely remembered as the Olympics where Berlin fell to Seoul Pact forces just hours before the Opening Ceremonies began.

[5] Referred to as the ‘Asian Hour’ or the ‘Golden Games’ this game was a showcase for Japan and America to showcase the possible future for the slowly rebuilding former Fascist Powers with Prime Minister Inejiro Asanuma declaring this to be ‘A victory in the fight for social justice and democracy’. Nationalist China would slightly ruin this view but it would showcase the shift in power as America focused more on Europe. First games in which the Republic of Italy was participated in.

[6] Ireland had extended a lot of political capital on keeping the Olympic bid after the state went communist, planning to use this to show the world how it was a stable, functioning government. China boycotted, allowing Japan to narrowly gain the most golds over America.
 

Aznavour

Well-known member
Published by SLP
THE FIRST TEN POST-WAR OLYMPICS

1944: London (Most gold medals - Germany) [1]

1948: Ottawa (Most Gold Medals-America) [2]

1952: Tehran (Most Gold Medals - America) [3]

1956: Rio de Janeiro (Most Gold Medals - America) [4]

1960: Tokyo (Most Gold Medals - China) [5]

1964: Dublin (Most Gold Medals - Japan) [6]

1966: Cancelled in the aftermath of the Ingolstadt Incident [7]

1970:

1974:

1978:

[1] Extremely controversial choice, to show (West and Central) Europe were "back to normal" - large parts of London remained in ruins or under slow reconstruction, with resources sent to Speer's olympiad stadiums. Boycotted by the USA and the ex-Dominions.

[2] Showcasing the strength of the Coldwell-Taylor American Partnership these games were often called the ‘Anti-Fascist’ Games due to there strong promotion of Social Democratic values and Diversity (despite anger from the more Conservative politicians in those countries). Boycotted by the GGR, Italy and members of the Fascist alliance.

[3] Chosen due to Iran's neutrality, to prevent the Olympics becoming a United Nations/Axis bunfight. Huge patriotic event for the locals. Heads rolled in Germany after it was beaten in gold by the 'mongrel' Americans and Japan and 'Georgist' South Africa.

[4] Nearly postponed due to the ongoing Third World War, brought back to demonstrate the resilience of the North Pacific Nuclear Treaty Organization (commonly referred to as the Seoul Pact) in the face of fascist terror and the “Kubitschek Boom” going on in Brazil. Widely remembered as the Olympics where Berlin fell to Seoul Pact forces just hours before the Opening Ceremonies began.

[5] Referred to as the ‘Asian Hour’ or the ‘Golden Games’ this game was a showcase for Japan and America to showcase the possible future for the slowly rebuilding former Fascist Powers with Prime Minister Inejiro Asanuma declaring this to be ‘A victory in the fight for social justice and democracy’. Nationalist China would slightly ruin this view but it would showcase the shift in power as America focused more on Europe. First games in which the Republic of Italy was participated in.

[6] Ireland had extended a lot of political capital on keeping the Olympic bid after the state went communist, planning to use this to show the world how it was a stable, functioning government. China boycotted, allowing Japan to narrowly gain the most golds over America.

[7] Despite reassurances from the German Authorities , which famously carted Werner Heisenberg from city to city, paper to paper, extolling the safety of Germany’s Reactors and downplaying the severity of what had happened at Ingolstadt, by May the governments of Europe could no longer ignore the effects of the disaster or the readings, even if the prospect of a Year Without Summer was avoided thanks to international aid.
 

Walpurgisnacht

Paul Zion
Location
Banned from the forum
Pronouns
He/Him
THE FIRST TEN POST-WAR OLYMPICS

1944: London (Most gold medals - Germany) [1]

1948: Ottawa (Most Gold Medals - America) [2]

1952: Tehran (Most Gold Medals - America) [3]

1956: Rio de Janeiro (Most Gold Medals - America) [4]

1960: Tokyo (Most Gold Medals - China) [5]

1964: Dublin (Most Gold Medals - Japan) [6]

1966: Cancelled in the aftermath of the Ingolstadt Incident [7]

1970: Cape Town (Most Gold Medals - America) [8]

1974:

1978:

[1] Extremely controversial choice, to show (West and Central) Europe were "back to normal" - large parts of London remained in ruins or under slow reconstruction, with resources sent to Speer's olympiad stadiums. Boycotted by the USA and the ex-Dominions.

[2] Showcasing the strength of the Coldwell-Taylor American Partnership these games were often called the ‘Anti-Fascist’ Games due to there strong promotion of Social Democratic values and Diversity (despite anger from the more Conservative politicians in those countries). Boycotted by the GGR, Italy and members of the Fascist alliance.

[3] Chosen due to Iran's neutrality, to prevent the Olympics becoming a United Nations/Axis bunfight. Huge patriotic event for the locals. Heads rolled in Germany after it was beaten in gold by the 'mongrel' Americans and Japan and 'Georgist' South Africa.

[4] Nearly postponed due to the ongoing Third World War, brought back to demonstrate the resilience of the North Pacific Nuclear Treaty Organization (commonly referred to as the Seoul Pact) in the face of fascist terror and the “Kubitschek Boom” going on in Brazil. Widely remembered as the Olympics where Berlin fell to Seoul Pact forces just hours before the Opening Ceremonies began.

[5] Referred to as the ‘Asian Hour’ or the ‘Golden Games’ this game was a showcase for Japan and America to showcase the possible future for the slowly rebuilding former Fascist Powers with Prime Minister Inejiro Asanuma declaring this to be ‘A victory in the fight for social justice and democracy’. Nationalist China would slightly ruin this view but it would showcase the shift in power as America focused more on Europe. First games in which the Republic of Italy was participated in.

[6] Ireland had extended a lot of political capital on keeping the Olympic bid after the state went communist, planning to use this to show the world how it was a stable, functioning government. China boycotted, allowing Japan to narrowly gain the most golds over America.

[7] Despite reassurances from the German Authorities , which famously carted Werner Heisenberg from city to city, paper to paper, extolling the safety of Germany’s Reactors and downplaying the severity of what had happened at Ingolstadt, by May the governments of Europe could no longer ignore the effects of the disaster or the readings, even if the prospect of a Year Without Summer was avoided thanks to international aid.

[8] The first Olympics with German non-attendance for a non-boycott reason, the atmosphere was surprisingly positive despite the absence of most European teams. With Suzman eager to demonstrate the prosperity and forward outlook of the nation, elaborate ceremonies and colourful facilities abounded. Combined with a return to form for the American team, and it's easy to see why many remember these Olympics positively.
 

Charles EP M.

Well-known member
Published by SLP
THE FIRST TEN POST-WAR OLYMPICS

1944: London (Most gold medals - Germany) [1]

1948: Ottawa (Most Gold Medals - America) [2]

1952: Tehran (Most Gold Medals - America) [3]

1956: Rio de Janeiro (Most Gold Medals - America) [4]

1960: Tokyo (Most Gold Medals - China) [5]

1964: Dublin (Most Gold Medals - Japan) [6]

1966: Cancelled in the aftermath of the Ingolstadt Incident [7]

1970: Cape Town (Most Gold Medals - America) [8]

1974: Athens (Most Gold Medals - China) [9]

1978:

[1] Extremely controversial choice, to show (West and Central) Europe were "back to normal" - large parts of London remained in ruins or under slow reconstruction, with resources sent to Speer's olympiad stadiums. Boycotted by the USA and the ex-Dominions.

[2] Showcasing the strength of the Coldwell-Taylor American Partnership these games were often called the ‘Anti-Fascist’ Games due to there strong promotion of Social Democratic values and Diversity (despite anger from the more Conservative politicians in those countries). Boycotted by the GGR, Italy and members of the Fascist alliance.

[3] Chosen due to Iran's neutrality, to prevent the Olympics becoming a United Nations/Axis bunfight. Huge patriotic event for the locals. Heads rolled in Germany after it was beaten in gold by the 'mongrel' Americans and Japan and 'Georgist' South Africa.

[4] Nearly postponed due to the ongoing Third World War, brought back to demonstrate the resilience of the North Pacific Nuclear Treaty Organization (commonly referred to as the Seoul Pact) in the face of fascist terror and the “Kubitschek Boom” going on in Brazil. Widely remembered as the Olympics where Berlin fell to Seoul Pact forces just hours before the Opening Ceremonies began.

[5] Referred to as the ‘Asian Hour’ or the ‘Golden Games’ this game was a showcase for Japan and America to showcase the possible future for the slowly rebuilding former Fascist Powers with Prime Minister Inejiro Asanuma declaring this to be ‘A victory in the fight for social justice and democracy’. Nationalist China would slightly ruin this view but it would showcase the shift in power as America focused more on Europe. First games in which the Republic of Italy was participated in.

[6] Ireland had extended a lot of political capital on keeping the Olympic bid after the state went communist, planning to use this to show the world how it was a stable, functioning government. China boycotted, allowing Japan to narrowly gain the most golds over America.

[7] Despite reassurances from the German Authorities , which famously carted Werner Heisenberg from city to city, paper to paper, extolling the safety of Germany’s Reactors and downplaying the severity of what had happened at Ingolstadt, by May the governments of Europe could no longer ignore the effects of the disaster or the readings, even if the prospect of a Year Without Summer was avoided thanks to international aid.

[8] The first Olympics with German non-attendance for a non-boycott reason, the atmosphere was surprisingly positive despite the absence of most European teams. With Suzman eager to demonstrate the prosperity and forward outlook of the nation, elaborate ceremonies and colourful facilities abounded. Combined with a return to form for the American team, and it's easy to see why many remember these Olympics positively.

[9] "The Olympics Come Home" was the marketing for this event, and a lot of behind-the-scenes schmoozing and outright bribery was committed to convince various international companies that the Hellenic People's Republic was 'open for business' after decades of fascist oppression, civil war, and conflict with Turkey (who boycotted). The opening ceremony of everyone in 'Ancient Greek' dress is famous
 
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