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Lists of Heads of Government and Heads of State

In this thread? Well it's list-level fuzzy plausible that he could win the nomination in '92 if a Democrat wins four years before.
List level fuzzy plausible is my favorite type of plausible tbh

Bug-fuck crazy Andrew Jackson just filling his calendar up with duels is a delightful reinterpretation of his character while still retaining his essence

Jackson totally killed Clay and Calhoun here and now has four bullets still embedded in his chest, slowly giving him lead poisoning and making him more nuts.
 
*Presidents of the United States for the Man From Ashcan Vignette I did for the challenge. Give it a read if you like*
Presidents of the United States:
1897-1905: William McKinley (Republican)

1896 (With Garret Hobart) def: William Jennings Bryan (Democratic-People's), Joshua Levering (Prohibition)
1900
(With Theodore Roosevelt) def: William Jennings Bryan (Democratic-Populist), Eugene V.Debs (Social Democratic)
1905-1909: Charles W.Fairbanks (Republican)
1904 (With Theodore Roosevelt) def: William Jennings Bryan (Democratic), Eugene V.Debs (Socialist), William B.Cockran (National)
1909-1913: William B.Cockran (Democratic)
1908 (With Champ Clark) def: Charles W.Fairbanks (Republican), Theodore Roosevelt (Progressive), Eugene V.Debs (Socialist), William Jennings Bryan (Populist)
1913-1917: Champ Clark (Democratic)
1912 (With William Sulzer) def: Charles Evan Hughes (Republican), Theodore Roosevelt (Progressive), Eugene V.Debs (Socialist)
1917: Frederick Funston (National Salvation)
1916 (With John J.Pershing) def: William Sulzer (Populist-Progressive), Champ Clarke (Democratic), Eugene V.Debs (Socialist), Various Independent Socialists
1917-1918: John J. Pershing (National Salvation)
*Collapse of United States and Second American Civil War*
 
Aaron Burr, Sir

tenor.gif
 
A Slimy Survival or John and Edwina’s Affair Is Discovered

1990-2002 Kenneth Baker (Conservative Majority,Conservative-SDP-Ulster Unionist Coalition after 1999)
1992:Kenneth Baker-Conservative[341],Bryan Gould-Labour[264],Paddy Ashdown-Liberal Democratic[22],David Owen-SDP[4]
1993 Maastricht Treaty Referendum:56% For

1997:Kenneth Baker-Conservative[332],Bryan Gould-Labour[270],Paddy Ashdown-Liberal Democratic[27],David Owen-SDP[2]

2002-2004 Mo Mowlam (Labour Majority)
2002:Mo Mowlaw-Labour[410],Kenneth Baker-Conservative[170],Charles Kennedy-Liberal Democratic[40]

2004-2006 Robin Cook (Labour Majority)

2006-2014 Cherie Booth (Labour Majority)
2007:Cherie Booth-Labour[405],John Redwood-Conservative[170],Vince Cable-Liberal Democratic[45]
2012:Cherie Booth-Labour[385],William Hague-Conservative[181],Vince Cable-Liberal Democratic[54]


2014-2017 David Miliband (Labour Majority)

Some ideas for a concept list.
 
I've noticed an awful lot of these lists (I am somewhat guilty of this as well) feature OTL stable countries having crisis points and revolutions (in an electoral or literal sense). What if someone tried the opposite, e.g. the Third or Fourth French Republics continuing to the present day, Italy still being Japan-like with the Christian Democrats dominant to now, etc.?
 
How did Bryan Gould get into the leadership?
I took some inspiration from Alfie’s latest list and put Bryan where he’s less successful without Thatcher remaining in office ,as well as the Conservatives having a little more luck and managing to convince voters they’re preferable to a “loose lefty” like they portray Gould in this timeline.

Again,more of a concept piece.
 
I've noticed an awful lot of these lists (I am somewhat guilty of this as well) feature OTL stable countries having crisis points and revolutions (in an electoral or literal sense). What if someone tried the opposite, e.g. the Third or Fourth French Republics continuing to the present day, Italy still being Japan-like with the Christian Democrats dominant to now, etc.?
I’ve been mulling over an idea that’s vaguely like this, but I don’t know if it’s something I’ll ever post.
 
I've noticed an awful lot of these lists (I am somewhat guilty of this as well) feature OTL stable countries having crisis points and revolutions (in an electoral or literal sense). What if someone tried the opposite, e.g. the Third or Fourth French Republics continuing to the present day, Italy still being Japan-like with the Christian Democrats dominant to now, etc.?

I took the French Fourth Republic all the way to 1968 in a list scenario myself, but after that I think it's tricky. The 1958 change of personnel was significant so it's hard to predict. Some figures would likely emerge (VGE, Mitterrand, Defferre) and others who played PM roles in 1957 but were very young could too (Maurice Faure, Félix Gaillard, Bourgès-Maunoury). Others, like PMF, Mollet or Pinay would remain far more significant.

For the Italian DC it shouldn't be too hard in terms of finding people, many PD politicians come from the DC or DC-close environments anyway, including Renzi, Gentiloni, Letta, Mattarella or Prodi. But the hard trick is to keep on finding reasons for governments to fall and the coalition partners to demand shuffles. Maybe avoid the debt-fuelled growth of the 80s and the domestic situation of the 90s is easier but that requires re-thinking the Craxi-Andreotti-Fornali (CAF) axis and that's tricky.

Here:

The 4.1 Republic

Prime Ministers of France

1951-1952: René Pleven (UDSR)
1951 (Troisième Force majority): Guy Mollet (SFIO), Maurice Thorez (PCF), Jacques Soustelle (RPF), Georges Bidault (MRP), Henri Queuille (PRS), Independent Republicans, Roger Duchet (CNIP), René Pleven (UDSR), Félix Houphouët-Boigny (RDA)
1952: Edgar Faure (Radical)
1952-1953: Antoine Pinay (Independent Republican)
1953-1954: René Mayer (Radical)
1954: Edgar Faure (Radical)
1954-1955: Paul Reynaud (CNIP)
1955: René Pleven (UDSR)
1955-1956: Guy Mollet (SFIO)
1956 (no majority): Guy Mollet (SFIO), Maurice Thorez (PCF), Pierre Henri-Teitgen (MRP), Roger Duchet (CNIP), Pierre Mendès France (PRS), Pierre Poujade (UFF), Jacques Chaban-Delmas (RS), François Mitterrand (UDSR-RDA), Edgar Faure (RGR)
1956-1957: Pierre Mendès France (Radical)
1957: Robert Lecourt (MRP)
1957-1958: Maurice Bourgès-Maunoury (Radical)
1958-1960: Pierre Pflimlin (MRP)
1960-1961: François Mitterrand (UDSR)
1961-1963: Christian Pineau (SFIO)
1961 (Republican Front majority): Christian Pineau (SFIO), Camille Laurens (CNIP), Maurice Thorez (PCF), Jean Lecanuet (MRP), Maurice Faure (PRS), Georges Bidault (CR), François Mitterrand (UDSR-RDA), Pierre Poujade (UFF), Edmond Michelet (RS)
1963-1964: François Mitterrand (UDSR)
1964-1965: Jean Lecanuet (MRP)
1965-1966: Félix Gaillard (PRS)
1966-1968: Antoine Pinay (CNIP)
1966 (Centre-right majority): Gaston Defferre (SFIO), Raymond Mondon (CNIP), Waldeck Rochet (PCF), Pierre Mendès France (PRS), Jean Lecanuet (MRP), Léon Martinaud-Déplat (CR), Edmond Michelet (RS), François Mitterrand (UDSR)
1968-0000: Valéry Giscard d'Estaing (CNIP)

Presidents of France

1946-1953: Vincent Auriol (SFIO)
1954-1962: Henri Queuille (Radical)
1962-1969: Paul Coste-Floret (MRP)
1969-0000: Pierre Schneiter (MRP)

Prime Ministers of Saarland

1947-1960: Johannes Hoffmann (CVP)
1947 (majority) def. Richard Kirn (SPS), Heinrich Schneider (DPS), Fritz Nickolay (KP)
1952 (majority) def. Richard Kirn (SPS), Fritz Bäsel (KP)
1955 (CVP-SPS coalition) def. Humbert Ney (CDU-Saar), Heinrich Schneider (DPS), Richard Kirn (SPS), Kurt Conrad (DSP), Fritz Nickolay (KP)
1956 (CVP-SPS coalition) def. Richard Kirn (SPS), Heinrich Schneider (DPS), Franz-Josef Röder (CDU-Saar), Fritz Nickolay (KP), Humbert Ney (CNG)

1960-1968: Erwin Müller (CVP)
1961 (CVP-CDU coalition) def. Richard Kirn (SPS), Heinrich Schneider (DPS), Franz-Josef Röder (CDU-Saar), Fritz Nickolay (KP), Humbert Ney (CNG)
1966 (majority) def. Richard Kirn (SPS), Heinrich Schneider (DPS), Fritz Nickolay (KP), Humbert Ney (CNG)

1968-0000: Franz Schneider (CVP)

European Commissioners for Saarland [0]

1956-1966: Louis Beel
1966-0000: Pierre Wigny

Presidents of the European Executive Council

1957-1962: Paul-Henri Teitgen (MRP-EDU)
1957 (EDU-ESF-FLDP grand coalition) def. Hendrik Fayat (ESF), René Pleven (FLDP), nationalists, communists
1962-0000: François de Menthon (MRP-EDU)
1962 (EDU-ESF coalition) def. Paul-Henri Spaak (ESF), Pieter Oud (FLDP), Giorgio Amendola (FECP), nationalists
1967 (EDU-FLDP coalition) def. Willy Brandt (ESF), Gaetano Martino (FLDP), Giorgio Amendola (FECP), nationalists


The 1948 local elections had been the breakthrough of the Gaullist political party and perhaps the harbinger of De Gaulle's return to power building on discontent with communism, instability and inflation. Instead, by the time the 1951 elections, the General would see his hopes dashed. The electorate did support him, but less than he had expected and definitely less than in the 1948 local election. A combination of the new electoral law and momentum had crushed his hopes. The RPF would remain one of the largest parties in parliament[1], but the resistance of the Third Force parties - despite their differences - isolated them from power until 1953. First, the Marie-Barangé law and then, the EDC project had divided the parliamentary majority, almost inevitably.

What De Gaulle did not - could not - expect was that one politician from the Fourth Republic would prove popular: Antoine Pinay. Pinay, with his weekly radio shows, his pragmatic conservatism and average Frenchman aspect - including a thick Auvergnat accent - had become one of the very few popular politicians of the 1950s. The Mendès France of the right. During his premiership, Pinay and his foreign minister, Robert Schuman ratified the Common Army project in Parliament - amidst great acrimony, normalised relations with Adenauer by managing to sign a pre-agreement on the status of the Saar territory and pursued the Indochina War to a stalemate thanks to the recruitment of a Vietnamese Army to support the French troops [2]. Eventually, Pinay would resign after the MRP announced it would not approve his budget for 1954 [3].

In December 1953, the first televised presidential election in France's history took place. After six rounds of voting, the venerable Radical politician Henri Queuille was elected for his septennat.[4]

The 'sortie honorable' from Indochina was achieved in 1954 under the premiership of Edgar Faure. Faure would also have to face the start of hostilities in Algeria, that came to dominate French politics for nearly a decade, plunging the economy into a balance of payments and inflationary crisis along the way. Simultaneously, the tax increases and the economic modernisation plans caused uproar amongst the lower-middle classes of France's south-east, giving birth to the Poujadiste movement, that would turn into a far-right party once in parliament.

The 1956 election, held shortly after the Hungarian invasion was a godsend to the socialist party, which recovered working-class voters from the Communists [5], making it the largest party in parliament for the first time since 1936. Guy Mollet would manage to craft a centre-left government with the support of Mendès France's Radicals [6] and the MRP (among others). The various governments of this parliamentary arithmetic would prove very successful in many aspects, from social reform policies, particularly housing and the ratification of the Political Community treaty to imposing a liberal colonial policy by granting independence to Morocco and Tunisia, the loi cadre for Subsaharan Africa and the new Statute of Algeria and most importantly, constitutional reforms that reinforced the executive. In 1961, the same centre-left coalition won the election, ultimately granting Algeria independence within the French Community in 1964. The support of the MRP as a whole and elements of the modérés and the CNIP for the liberal colonial policy led to the foundation of Centre Républicain, a right-wing, pro-Algérie française party, first led by Georges Bidault.

The arrest of Bidault, who had become heavily involved in far-right terrorist activities in Algeria and in France against the government and other liberal figures was shocking to France, as Bidault had been a first-minute résistant. He was replaced by Martinaud-Déplat, who while arguing for a more conservative colonial policy and for a more strident anti-communist policy, was a more politically acceptable choice. The CD would become the most right-wing element in the governments of Antoine Pinay and Valéry Giscard d'Estaign after 1966.

[0] The European Commissioner for Saarland is appointed by and responsible to the Council of Ministers of the European Community (not the same as the Executive Council). The Commissioner can neither be German nor French nor a Saarlander, but he is subject to approval from the French and German governments, who can veto any nominee they do not approve of.
[1] A worse result than OTL, which means that the loi d'apparentements kicks in in more constituencies.
[2] Something along these lines was proposed OTL but never quite materialised under general Navarre.
[3] Again, similar to OTL, the MRP was very uncomfortable with supporting a right-wing government without SFIO involvement. Once the EDC Treaty is passed TTL, they no longer have a reason to swallow their moral concerns.
[4] OTL, it took 13 rounds and the elected was René Coty, who managed to get elected because he had been sick during the EDC debates of May 1952, and as a result, no one knew whether he was a cédiste or an anticédiste, hence being acceptable to both sides. Televising that awful performance is widely accredited with hurting the legitimacy of the 4th Republic.
[5] No Suez Canal crisis TTL.
[6] Like OTL, PMF managed to take over the party after Edouard Herriot's death, expelling right-wing-leaning Radicals like Edgar Faure, René Mayer or Léon Martinaud-Déplat.
 
I took the French Fourth Republic all the way to 1968 in a list scenario myself, but after that I think it's tricky. The 1958 change of personnel was significant so it's hard to predict. Some figures would likely emerge (VGE, Mitterrand, Defferre) and others who played PM roles in 1957 but were very young could too (Maurice Faure, Félix Gaillard, Bourgès-Maunoury). Others, like PMF, Mollet or Pinay would remain far more significant.

For the Italian DC it shouldn't be too hard in terms of finding people, many PD politicians come from the DC or DC-close environments anyway, including Renzi, Gentiloni, Letta, Mattarella or Prodi. But the hard trick is to keep on finding reasons for governments to fall and the coalition partners to demand shuffles. Maybe avoid the debt-fuelled growth of the 80s and the domestic situation of the 90s is easier but that requires re-thinking the Craxi-Andreotti-Fornali (CAF) axis and that's tricky.

Here:
Thanks! This also made me realise that 'surviving Spanish Republic' would also be a good (but challenging) example.
 
Thanks! This also made me realise that 'surviving Spanish Republic' would also be a good (but challenging) example.

Well, I don't quite have that myself but I do have a barebones "Restauración monarchy democratises" list:

Kings of Spain
1902-1906: Alfonso XIII (House of Borbon)
1906-0000: Alfonso XIV (House of Borbon)
1906-1918: Maria Cristina (House of Habsburg-Lorraine)

Presidents of the Council of Ministers of Spain
1906: Segismundo Moret (Liberal)
1906: José López Domínguez (Liberal)
1906: Segismundo Moret (Liberal)
1906-1907: Antonio Aguilar y Correa, Marquess of Vega de Armijo (Liberal)
1907-1914: Antonio Maura (Conservative)
1907 (Conservative majority) def. Segismundo Moret (Liberal),
1911 (Conservative majority) def. Jose Canalejas (Liberal),

1914-1918: José Canalejas (Liberal)
1914 (Liberal majority) def. Antonio Maura (Conservative),
1918-1919: Eduardo Dato (Conservative)
1918 (Conservative majority) def. Jose Canalejas (Liberal),
1919-1920: Antonio Maura (Conservative)
1920-1924: José Canalejas (Liberal)
1920 (Liberal majority) def. Antonio Maura (Conservative),
1924-1925: José Sánchez-Guerra (Conservative)
1924 (Conservative minority with Lliga supply and confidence) def. Jose Canalejas (Liberal),
1925: Gabino Bugallal, Count of Bugallal (Conservative)
1925-1927: Eduardo Dato (Conservative)
1927-1929: Manuel García-Prieto (Liberal)
1927 (Liberal-Socialist-Reformist coalition) def. Eduardo Dato (Conservative),
1929-1933: Niceto Alcalá-Zamora (Liberal)
1931 (Liberal-Socialist-Reformist coalition) def. Jose Sanchez Guerra (Conservative),
1933-1937: Miguel Maura (Conservative)
1933 (Conservative-Social People’s-Lliga coalition) def. Indalecio Prieto (Spanish Socialist Worker’s), Niceto Alcala-Zamora (Liberal), Jose Calvo-Sotelo (Social People’s), Francesc Cambo (Lliga), Melquiades Alvarez (Reformist)
1937-1941: Indalecio Prieto (Spanish Socialist Worker’s)
1937 (Socialist-Liberal-Democratic coalition, then Socialist-Liberal-Democratic-Conservative-Lliga coalition) def. Miguel Maura (Conservative),
1941-1946: Diego Martínez Barrio (Liberal Democratic)
1941 (Socialist-Liberal-Democratic-Conservative-Lliga coalition) def.
1945 (Socialist-Liberal-Democratic coalition) def.

1946-0000: Indalecio Prieto (Spanish Socialist Worker’s)
 
The Ballad Of Julian Lewis

1976-1984: Jim Callaghan (Labour)
1978 (Minority, with Liberal c&s) def. Margaret Thatcher (Conservative), David Steel (Liberal), William Wolfe (Scottish National), Harry West (Ulster Unionist)
1983 (Majority) def. Ian Gilmour (Conservative), David Steel (Liberal), Jim Molyneaux (Ulster Unionist), Winnie Ewing (Scottish National), Jeremy Corbyn (Independent Labour)

1984-1988: Bill Rodgers (Labour majority)
1988-1992: Michael Heseltine (Conservative)
1988 (Minority) def. Bill Rodgers (Labour), Peter Tatchell & Arthur Scargill (Independent Labour), Cyril Smith (Liberal), Winnie Ewing (Scottish National), Jim Molyneaux (Ulster Unionist)
1992 Maastricht referendum; 55% NO, 45% YES

1992-1993: Bill Rodgers (Labour)
1992 (Minority) def. Michael Heseltine (Conservative), Derek Wall & Lesley Mahmood (Independent Labour), Winnie Ewing (Scottish National), Jim Molyneaux (Ulster Unionist), Alan Beith (Liberal)
1993 Maastricht referendum; 58% NO, 42% YES

1993-2000: David Owen (Labour)
1995 (Coalition with ILP) def. Michael Heseltine (Conservative), Derek Wall & Lesley Mahmood (Independent Labour), Winnie Ewing (Scottish National), Jim Molyneaux (Ulster Unionist)
2000-2007: Ian Lang (Conservative)
2000 (Coalition with SNP and UUP) def. David Owen (Labour), Jean Lambert & John McDonnell (Independent Labour), Winnie Ewing (Scottish National), John Taylor (Ulster Unionist), Gerry Adams (Sinn Fein)
2005 (Minority, with UUP c&s) def. David Owen (Labour), Peter Hain & Caroline Lucas (Independent Labour), John Taylor (Ulster Unionist), Tommy Sheridan (Scottish Socialist), Gerry Adams (Sinn Fein)

2007-2010: Nick Clegg (Conservative minority, with Ulster Unionist confidence and supply)
2010-0000: Julian Lewis (Labour)
2010 (Coalition with Solidarity) def. Nick Clegg (Conservative), Peter Hain (Solidarity), John Taylor (Ulster Unionist), Annabelle Ewing (Scottish National), Gerry Adams (Sinn Fein), Ian Parsley (New Ulster Movement)

A relatively simple conceit here - Julian Lewis's OTL infilitration of then-Labour MP Reg Prentice's CLP lasts rather longer as the Labour Party endures the crises of the late 70s and expels Militant (along with an adjacent chunk of the Labour Party's hard left), while Maggie's failure results in the Tories being led by Neoliberal Wets hardly conducive to Lewis' own brand of politics.
 
The Ballad Of Julian Lewis

1976-1984: Jim Callaghan (Labour)
1978 (Minority, with Liberal c&s) def. Margaret Thatcher (Conservative), David Steel (Liberal), William Wolfe (Scottish National), Harry West (Ulster Unionist)
1983 (Majority) def. Ian Gilmour (Conservative), David Steel (Liberal), Jim Molyneaux (Ulster Unionist), Winnie Ewing (Scottish National), Jeremy Corbyn (Independent Labour)

1984-1988: Bill Rodgers (Labour majority)
1988-1992: Michael Heseltine (Conservative)
1988 (Minority) def. Bill Rodgers (Labour), Peter Tatchell & Arthur Scargill (Independent Labour), Cyril Smith (Liberal), Winnie Ewing (Scottish National), Jim Molyneaux (Ulster Unionist)
1992 Maastricht referendum; 55% NO, 45% YES

1992-1993: Bill Rodgers (Labour)
1992 (Minority) def. Michael Heseltine (Conservative), Derek Wall & Lesley Mahmood (Independent Labour), Winnie Ewing (Scottish National), Jim Molyneaux (Ulster Unionist), Alan Beith (Liberal)
1993 Maastricht referendum; 58% NO, 42% YES

1993-2000: David Owen (Labour)
1995 (Coalition with ILP) def. Michael Heseltine (Conservative), Derek Wall & Lesley Mahmood (Independent Labour), Winnie Ewing (Scottish National), Jim Molyneaux (Ulster Unionist)
2000-2007: Ian Lang (Conservative)
2000 (Coalition with SNP and UUP) def. David Owen (Labour), Jean Lambert & John McDonnell (Independent Labour), Winnie Ewing (Scottish National), John Taylor (Ulster Unionist), Gerry Adams (Sinn Fein)
2005 (Minority, with UUP c&s) def. David Owen (Labour), Peter Hain & Caroline Lucas (Independent Labour), John Taylor (Ulster Unionist), Tommy Sheridan (Scottish Socialist), Gerry Adams (Sinn Fein)

2007-2010: Nick Clegg (Conservative minority, with Ulster Unionist confidence and supply)
2010-0000: Julian Lewis (Labour)
2010 (Coalition with Solidarity) def. Nick Clegg (Conservative), Peter Hain (Solidarity), John Taylor (Ulster Unionist), Annabelle Ewing (Scottish National), Gerry Adams (Sinn Fein), Ian Parsley (New Ulster Movement)

A relatively simple conceit here - Julian Lewis's OTL infilitration of then-Labour MP Reg Prentice's CLP lasts rather longer as the Labour Party endures the crises of the late 70s and expels Militant (along with an adjacent chunk of the Labour Party's hard left), while Maggie's failure results in the Tories being led by Neoliberal Wets hardly conducive to Lewis' own brand of politics.
Wouldn't Nick Clegg in 2007 be seen as incredibly young after all those predecessors? Granted, it could happen, but it seems like an unusual set of circumstances.
 
By being amazing?
I ain't denying that there, Alfie.
I took some inspiration from Alfie’s latest list and put Bryan where he’s less successful without Thatcher remaining in office ,as well as the Conservatives having a little more luck and managing to convince voters they’re preferable to a “loose lefty” like they portray Gould in this timeline.

Again,more of a concept piece.
Well it ain't a bad concept I have to say. I'm guessing from the rest of what we see Labour becomes dominated by the Soft Left more or less (unless David Miliband is some great moderniser or something).
Italy still being Japan-like with the Christian Democrats dominant to now, etc.?
Someone page @Comisario he may have some thoughts.
 
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