Nanwe's Maps and Graphics Thread

[Nanwe]

WIP. Suggestions for WASPy Northeast Republicans and ethnically German/Irish-/Italian-American lefty politicians would be appreciated.

First Secretaries of the Columbian Republic

1950-1954: Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. (National Progressive)
1950 (NPP minority) def.
1954-1958: Gerhard M. Williams (Labor)
1954 (Labor-Farmers' Union coalition) def. Prescott Bush (National Progressive), John G. Diefenbaker (People's), xx (Independents' League), Elmer A. Benson (Farmers' Union), xx (Democratic), xx (Communist), Arnold Petersen (Socialist Labor)
1958-1962: Hubert H. Humphrey (Labor)
1958 (Labor-Farmers' Union coalition) def. Irving Ives (National Progressive), John G. Diefenbaker (People's), xx (Independents' League), Elmer A. Benson (Farmers' Union), xx (Democratic), xx (Communist), Arnold Petersen (Socialist Labor)
1962-1975: William W. Scranton (National Progressive) [4]
1962 (NPP-PP coalition) def. Hubert Humphrey (Labor), John G. Diefenbaker (People's), xx (Independents' League), Elmer A. Benson (Farmer's Union), xx (Democratic), xx (Communist), Arnold Petersen (Socialist Labor)
1966 (NPP minority) def. Hubert Humphrey (Labor), John G. Diefenbaker (People's), xx (Independents' League), xx (Farmer's Union), xx (Democratic), Arnold Petersen (Socialist Labor)
1970 (NPP-PP coalition) def. Edward J. McCormack Jr. (Labor), xx (People's), xx (Independents' League), xx (Farmer's Union), xx (Democratic), xx (Socialist Labor)
1974 (NPP-PP coalition) def. Edward J. McCormack Jr. (Labor), Gerald Ford Jr. (People's), xx (Independents' League), xx (Farmer's Union), xx (Democratic), xx (Socialist Labor)
1975-1979: William M. Milliken (National Progressive)
1978 (NPP-PP coalition) def. Brendan T. Byrne (Labor), Gerald Ford Jr. (People's), xx (Independents' League), xx (Farmer's Union), xx (Democratic), xx (Socialist Labor)
1979-1982: Gerald R. Ford Jr. (People's)
1982-1986: Mario Cuomo (Labor)
1982 (Labor majority) def. Alfonse M. D'Amato (National Progressive), xx (Independents'' League), Gerald Ford Jr. (People's), xx (Farmers' Union), xx (Democratic), xx (Socialist Labor)
1986-1988: George H. W. Bush (National Progressive)
1986 (NPP minority with PP support) def. Mario Cuomo (Labor), xx (Independents' League), William G. Davis (People's), xx (Farmers' Union), xx (Green), xx (Socialist Labor)
1988-1990: Michael Dukakis (Labor)
1988 (Labor minority) def. George H. W. Bush (National Progressive), xx ()
1990-1993: Robert K. Rae (Labor)
1990 (Labor minority) def. Henry J. Heinz III (National Progressive), xx ()
1993-1994: Michael Dukakis (Labor)
1994-1996: William Weld (National Progressive)
1994 (NPP-PP coalition) def. Michael Dukakis (Labor), xx (),
1996-1998: Henry J. Heinz III (National Progressive)
1998-2002: Robert K. Rae (Labor)
1998 (Labor minority) def. Henry J. Heinz III (National Progressive), xx (Independents' League), xx (People's), xx (Green), xx (Farmers' Union), xx (Socialist Labor)
2002-2006: Henry D. Chafee (National Progressive) [7]
2002 (NPP minority) def. Robert K. Rae (Labor), xx (People's)
2006-2008: Scott A. Brison (National Progressive)
2006 (NPP minority) def. Robert P. Casey Jr. (Labor), xx (People's)
2008-2011: Charles D. Baker Jr. (National Progressive)
2010 (NPP minority) def. Robert P. Casey Jr. (Labor), xx (People's)
2011-2013: Scott A. Brison (National Progressive)
2013-2014: Charles D. Baker Jr. (National Progressive)
2014-0000: Sherrod C. Brown (Labor)
2014 (Labor minority) def. Charles D. Baker (National Progressive), John R. Kasich (People's), xx (Independents' League), xx (Green), xx (Farmers' Union), xx (Green Liberals), xx (Socialist Labor)
2018 (Labor minority) def. Philip B. Scott (National Progressive), xx ()

[4] The 'Scranton Fever' took over the NPP in 1960 and the country after 1962. The Scranton name was one that was sure to appeal to the NPP sensibilities - a long line of wealthy industrialists who dedicated themselves to the sort of noblesse oblige attitude that was expected of their kind - Scranton had also made a name for himself as an able, centrist administrator at the district level, where he had governed in close cooperation with all social partners and was generally popular. After being shut out of power for almost a decade, the NPP wanted a fresh attractive face, of someone who could appeal to the party's New Englander base but also out west and in the cities. In his favour also stood his good relations with prominent People's Party leadership members, like his fraternity friend, Gerald Ford Jr. Scranton's youthful energy, consensual behaviour and good manners turned him into the ideal candidate for the party. The Scranton years are still fondly remembered as a time of economic growth and middle class prosperity - investments in education, infrastructure and the promotion and investment of the country's industrial network were all key aspects of his governing style, together with a cautiously progressive social agenda. However Scranton would be lucky to decide to retire in 1975, right before the beginning of the late-1970s economic crisis that his successor would have to deal with...

[7] OTL Lincoln Chaffee. Decided to rename him as I have my doubts about Lincoln being a common name in Columbia.

 

[Steve Brinson]

The Chafees for the former, perhaps?

 

[AndrewH]

I'll second the Chafees, and I'll suggest Rosa DeLauro, Bob Brady, Brendan Byrne, the Casey family of Pennsylvania and the Daley family of Illinois for the latter part.

EDIT: Oh, and don't forget about Andrew Cuomo!

 

[Dan1988]

Would it bad to say I love you for that scenario?

As for the double Xs - may I suggest our colorful Gov.Sundlun? The raccoons of DC better watch out!

 

[Nanwe]

Would it bad to say I love you for that scenario?

As for the double Xs - may I suggest our colorful Gov.Sundlun? The raccoons of DC better watch out!

Thanks! I'm starting to write a little story about how voting works in Columbia and a little description of the holy trinity of rural New England: Town hall, the NPP and the Presbyterian/Episcopalian/Congregationalist (PEC) church. Also different names for highly influential, Boston Brahmin-style families - the Mayflower families.

Umm, I think I already have my quota of ethnic whites for Labor, but do you maybe happen to have some interesting, not well known, moderate Republicans I could use for the last two NatProg first secretaries whose names I'm missing?

That being said, Columbia is not the US. It's my attempt at mixing elements of the US with also those of Canada without going for a US-as-Canada thing, I' trying to create something a bit different. Like how I'm highlighting ethnicity as a big vote determinant, which was something very American until the 1960s realignment. But also parliamentary but with weak, barely whipped parties (Labor being the exception). And Australian-style turnover of Prime Ministers.

I remember reading in Nixonland that Scranton was the golden boy for the GOP Eastern Establishment - came from a upper bourgeoisie family (the town of Scranton, PA is named after his family, not the other way around) but with a centrist, technocratic, good government, "no budget deficit but social and investment spending" kind of profile. And handsome and successful at it. That's why I picked him, honestly.

 

[Dan1988]

Thanks! I'm starting to write a little story about how voting works in Columbia and a little description of the holy trinity of rural New England: Town hall, the NPP and the Presbyterian/Episcopalian/Congregationalist (PEC) church. Also different names for highly influential, Boston Brahmin-style families - the Mayflower families.

Sounds interesting enough.

Umm, I think I already have my quota of ethnic whites for Labor, but do you maybe happen to have some interesting, not well known, moderate Republicans I could use for the last two NatProg first secretaries whose names I'm missing?

Hmm, unfortunately that's a problem. (What should be mentioned is that in the US, historically IOTL, there were a few groups of ethnic whites who did support the GOP, whereas back in their native Canada it would have been dispersed throughout a wider political spectrum. Which is why when you look through Wiki for, say, the Governor of Rhode Island we have quite a few Franco-Americans thrown in the mixture. Tokenism, if you want to call it that, particularly if they end up becoming nouveau riche while, like a good Brahmin, not showing it off.)

That being said, Columbia is not the US. It's my attempt at mixing elements of the US with also those of Canada without going for a US-as-Canada thing, I' trying to create something a bit different. Like how I'm highlighting ethnicity as a big vote determinant, which was something very American until the 1960s realignment. But also parliamentary but with weak, barely whipped parties (Labor being the exception). And Australian-style turnover of Prime Ministers.

I remember reading in Nixonland that Scranton was the golden boy for the GOP Eastern Establishment - came from a upper bourgeoisie family (the town of Scranton, PA is named after his family, not the other way around) but with a centrist, technocratic, good government, "no budget deficit but social and investment spending" kind of profile. And handsome and successful at it. That's why I picked him, honestly.

I'm thoroughly liking what you're coming up with.

 

[Nanwe]

This map is taking forever. But we're approaching the end, the last constituency (Sangüesa)

 

[Nanwe]

As some of you might remember, I have had an ongoing battle to map out the 1990 and 1992 Czechoslovak elections. Recently, I had a breakthrough as both the Czech and Slovak Statistical offices got back to me with the data of the federal elections at the okres level, allowing me to finish the visual part of the map. There remains a problem, as they do not have online data of the seat distribution per constituency. And I have tried to reverse engineer the results based off the electoral system they used but I have not yet managed to obtain the exact same results that the official results say.

This is the Lower Chamber in 1990. The House of the People was formed by 150 members, assigned to each republic on the basis of population (101 MPs from Czechia, 49 from Slovakia in 1990). These were then subdivided according to the respective electoral constituencies (also used for republic and SN elections). The Czech Republic used a 3% threshold whereas Slovakia used a 5% one.

Bratislava was assigned 4 seats, West Slovakia had 16 seats, Central Slovakia had 15 seats and Eastern Slovakia had 14 ones. This does not mean they actually elected that many MPs, as leftover seats and votes (that did not reach the quota) passed to the second scrutiny where they'd be distributed.

And the upper chamber, the 'House of Nations'. The House of Nations was formed by 150 members, 75 for each federal republic. These were then subdivided according to the respective electoral constituencies (also used for republic and SL elections). The Czech Republic used a 3% threshold whereas Slovakia used a 5% one.

Bratislava was assigned 6 seats, West Slovakia had 25 seats, Central Slovakia had 23 seats and Eastern Slovakia had 21 ones. This does not mean they actually elected that many MPs, as leftover seats and votes (that did not reach the quota) passed to the second scrutiny where they'd be distributed.

Czech National Council

Slovak National Council

 

[Thande]

Fantastic work @Nanwe .

 

[Nanwe]

Fantastic work @Nanwe .

Thanks!

If only I could manage to reverse engineer the seat allocation, I'd be so happy. I think I started mapping this out in 2016 or so, it's been a struggle.

 

[Nanwe]

Laborers' Party/Labor Party Leaders
1901-1920: Collective leadership (Morris Hillquit, Adolph Germer, Eugene V. Debs)
1920-1933: Morris Hillquit [1]
1933-1939: Burton K. Wheeler
...
1957-1968: Hubert H. Humphrey
1968-1976: Edward J. McCormack Jr.
1976-1979: Brendan T. Byrne
1979-1989: Mario Cuomo
1989-2005: Robert K. Bae
2005-2012: Robert P. Casey Jr
2012-0000: Sherrod C. Brown

[1] The election of Hillquit as the first individual party leader was shadowed by the split of the 'Left Faction' of the Labor Party, that went on to form the Columbian Communist Party (CCP). Hillquit consolidated the party's apparatus and his moderate social democratic line managed to attract many disaffected progressives unhappy with the National Party's right-progressive policies, especially after the electoral collapse of the Independent Progressive Conference.

National (Progressive) Party Leaders*
1923-...
1949-1962: Thomas Dewey and
1962-1979: Nelson Rockefeller and William W. Scranton (1962-1975) [x]
1979-

* Since its formal foundation as the NPP in 1923, the party's leadership is the so-called 'informal consulate', with the candidate for the First Secretary post and the party's Executive Chairman essentially governing together. As a result, the informal NPP leaders are not necessarily the candidates for the premiership, explaining in part the party's inability to not keep couping their own First Secretaries (yes, this is stolen from Australia, but that could also be the US as a parliamentary system).

[x] Although Rockefeller was the party's general secretary, which is usually considered the most important internal post, the breadth of support for Scranton meant that from 1962 until his retirement in 1975, the NPP was effectively lead by the Scranton-Rockefeller duo.

 

[Steve Brinson]

Thomas Dewey and... Leverett Saltonstall, perhaps?

 

[Nanwe]

Thomas Dewey and... Leverett Saltonstall, perhaps?

I have Saltonstall as a person to put somewhere but the and [xx] is empty because I'm not yet sure how to show the various FS candidates.

 

[Nanwe]

Yesterday, Andorra held her general election, the 8th since the 1993 constitution legalised political parties and reformed the electoral system and ended the medieval sindics model with a cap del govern elected by the Consell.

The governing Demòcrates d'Andorra (DA), a liberal-conservative party created shortly after the 2009 election through the merger of the parties inside the Reformist Coalition has lost its absolute majority, partly thanks to the coalition at the district level between the Social Democratic Party (PS) and the Liberal Party (PLA), known as 'd'Acord' ('in agreement'). The PLA is a founding member of Demòcrates that later split off re-creating the PLA brand, whereas the PS is one of the oldest parties in Andorra (dating all the way back to late 1990s) and well, its ideology is straightforward.

The other parties are Tercera Via (Third Way), a coalition of the regionalist UL (they want autonomy for the parish of Sant Julià de Lòria) and small Christian democratic parties and Ciutadans Compromesos (CC, Committed Citizens), a small centrist party that only ran in the parish of La Massan where they have been governing since 2015.

Andorra has an unusual electoral system, an odd mix of tradition and modernity. It is a non-compensatory mixed system where each municipality (known as parròquia, lit. parish) elects two deputies regardless of their population (a legacy of the pre-1970s system where each parished elected 4 members regardless of the population), with the two seats being allocated to the most voted list. Then there's a 14-seat national constituency elected via PR with the D'Hont quota and no threshold (in practice, the mathematical threshold is around 7,14% of the vote).

This has usually created a great benefit for the largest party as they gain a large number of seats from the majoritarian side of the electoral system. Hence the importance of 'd'Acord'.

 

[Nanwe]

In a typical 'European ministate election', the 2015 Andorran election was fought between two liberal-conservative parties who mostly agreed on the all the essentials yet thought they other should not govern, even though both parties essentially come from the same original party - Unió Liberal, which governed Andorra between 1997 and 2009.

The left was divided between the PS-led coalition of 'Junts' (Together), which ran joint lists with the Greens and another minor party and then the alternative social democratic party SDP, officially known as Social Democracy and Progress.

 

[Nanwe]

The 2011 election was the first one in which Democrates participated, following the merger of the parties that had formed the Reformist Coalition in the 2009 election. In 2009, the Social Democratic Party obtained a majority but not an absolute one, making it hard to govern and pass legislation and ultimately resulting in them calling an early election in 2011. The election was disastrous for the PS, punished for their inability to govern, and as a result, Democrates obtained a crushing majority (77% of the seats) and 55% of the vote.

 

[Nanwe]

The 2009 Andorran general election is the only one since 1993 in which the left-wing parties, the Partit Socialdemocrata (PS), had a majority (if not absolute) to govern. And yet, it was a highly-unstable legislature, only lasting 2 years. The right-wing, centred around the Unió Liberal formed an electoral coalition known as Coalició Reformista (CR, 'Reformist Coalition') to try and remain in power, which they failed at it. There was also a radical centrist force, Andorra pel Canvi (ApC, 'Andorra for the Change').

 

[Nanwe]

The 1979 election to the Parlamento Foral (Foral Parliament) of Navarra was held simultaneously with the local elections and the elections to the Juntas Generales of the three Basque provinces. This is the only instance in which the mediaeval administrative unit, the merindad, was used as an electoral constituency. Since 1982, the Navarrese Parliament has been elected from a single constituency. This is also the only election since 1936 in which a party espousing a Carlist ideology (even if it was Titoist Carlism) obtained a seat at a regional assembly.

Each merindad was assigned 5 seats regardless of its population, with the remaining seats distributed between merindad according to their demographic weight until having allocated all 70 seats. The city of Pamplona (Iruña in Basque) was separated from the rest of the merindad of Pamplona and acted as its own constituency for all purposes. Other than that, it was a typical Spanish election with closed lists, D'Hont quota and 3% threshold.

The Regional government, the Diputación Foral was elected simultaneously: Each constituency was assigned one member of the Diputación, with the exception of Tudela which was given two on account of its larger population (Pamplona was after all split into two constituencies). The party that obtained the most votes in the legislative election in each constituency was automatically given the merindad's seat in the Diputación. In the case of Tudela, the same procedure applied, but for the two largest parties.

The parties could be divided between Basque nationalists and non-Basque nationalists. And the non-Basque nationalist was further divided between those who favoured a more 'normal' position for Navarra within Spain (PSE-PSOE, UCD) and those who instead advocated for the continuity of its mediaeval privileges, the fueros. (UPN). There was also the left-right axis, although most Basque nationalist groupings were left-wing.

Herri Batasuna (HB) was the political arm of ETAm (ETA militar). It only ran its own list in the two Pamplona constituencies. Otherwise it ran within the Amaiur coalition.
Amaiur was a coalition of Herri Batasuna, Euskadiko Ezkerra (EE, the political branch of ETApm) and the Basque-nationalist communist EMK party, as well as some local independent groups, like AETE (Estella), Orhi Mendi (Sangüesa) and AEPM (Olite). It was also supported by the PNV-EAJ.
Nacionalistas Vascos (NV) was an electoral coalition that only ran in the two Pamplona constituencies formed by the PNV, Euskadiko Ezkerra and ESEI.
UNAI was an electoral coalition formed by the Maoist party ORT (Revolutionary Labour Organisation), that only ran in the Tudela constituency.
IFN was an independents' list formed by Jesús Ezponda Garaicoechea in the Sangüesa constituency. It has a Basque nationalist, foralista ideology.

 

[Uhura's Mazda]

The 1979 election to the Parlamento Foral (Foral Parliament) of Navarra was held simultaneously with the local elections and the elections to the Juntas Generales of the three Basque provinces. This is the only instance in which the mediaeval administrative unit, the merindad, was used as an electoral constituency. Since 1982, the Navarrese Parliament has been elected from a single constituency. This is also the only election since 1936 in which a party espousing a Carlist ideology (even if it was Titoist Carlism) obtained a seat at a regional assembly.

Each merindad was assigned 5 seats regardless of its population, with the remaining seats distributed between merindad according to their demographic weight until having allocated all 70 seats. The city of Pamplona (Iruña in Basque) was separated from the rest of the merindad of Pamplona and acted as its own constituency for all purposes. Other than that, it was a typical Spanish election with closed lists, D'Hont quota and 3% threshold.

The Regional government, the Diputación Foral was elected simultaneously: Each constituency was assigned one member of the Diputación, with the exception of Tudela which was given two on account of its larger population (Pamplona was after all split into two constituencies). The party that obtained the most votes in the legislative election in each constituency was automatically given the merindad's seat in the Diputación. In the case of Tudela, the same procedure applied, but for the two largest parties.

The parties could be divided between Basque nationalists and non-Basque nationalists. And the non-Basque nationalist was further divided between those who favoured a more 'normal' position for Navarra within Spain (PSE-EE, UCD) and those who instead advocated for the continuity of its mediaeval privileges, the fueros. (UPN). There was also the left-right axis, although most Basque nationalist groupings were left-wing.

Herri Batasuna (HB) was the political arm of ETAm (ETA militar). It only ran its own list in the two Pamplona constituencies. Otherwise it ran within the Amaiur coalition.
Amaiur was a coalition of Herri Batasuna, Euskadiko Ezkerra (EE, the political branch of ETApm) and the Basque-nationalist communist EMK party, as well as some local independent groups, like AETE (Estella), Orhi Mendi (Sangüesa) and AEPM (Olite). It was also supported by the PNV-EAJ.
Nacionalistas Vascos (NV) was an electoral coalition that only ran in the two Pamplona constituencies formed by the PNV, Euskadiko Ezkerra and ESEI.
UNAI was an electoral coalition formed by the Maoist party ORT (Revolutionary Labour Organisation), that only ran in the Tudela constituency.
IFN was an independents' list formed by Jesús Ezponda Garaicoechea in the Sangüesa constituency. It has a Basque nationalist, foralista ideology.

That's a horrifyingly messy map. However, I am now desperate to book my tickets to the bit of Estella where the Carlists topped the poll.

 

[Nanwe]

That's a horrifyingly messy map. However, I am now desperate to book my tickets to the bit of Estella where the Carlists topped the poll.

That would be the village of Igúzquiza (Iguzkitza in Basque), population 54.